Dr Simerdeep Dhillon, a senior research fellow at the University of Auckland, has been awarded a Senior Research Fellowship and a Project Grant from the Neurological Foundation.

The funding will support Dr Dhillon in establishing an independent research programme focused on improving outcomes for babies affected by brain injury, while the Project Grant will support research into new treatments for brain bleeds in premature infants.

“I was delighted and extremely grateful to receive the support of the Neurological Foundation,” Dr Dhillon told The Indian Weekender.

“Research of this scale relies on sustained funding support, and these grants provide an important opportunity to address questions that could improve outcomes for babies affected by brain injury.”

In New Zealand, about 173 babies born before 32 weeks of pregnancy are diagnosed with brain bleeds each year, according to Dr Dhillon.

Known medically as intraventricular haemorrhage (IVH), the condition occurs when fragile blood vessels in the developing brain rupture.

While some babies recover, brain bleeds can trigger secondary injury and inflammation, increasing the risk of lifelong neurological complications, including cerebral palsy and cognitive, motor, visual and hearing impairments.

“There are currently no treatments that directly protect the brain after IVH,” Dr Dhillon said.

“Our research aims to better understand how injury develops after a brain bleed and to investigate new approaches that may reduce that damage.”

One part of the research will examine whether a drug already used clinically to treat iron overload could help protect the developing brain.

When blood breaks down following a brain bleed, excess iron can accumulate in the brain and contribute to inflammation and secondary injury.

Dr Dhillon and her team will investigate whether removing this excess iron could reduce damage and improve recovery.

The researchers will also examine new physiological warning signs that could help clinicians identify brain bleeds and subsequent injury earlier, potentially allowing treatment to begin sooner.

The research will use a sheep model that closely reflects aspects of human infant development to test potential treatments, including strategies involving the reduction of harmful iron and the use of growth factors to support brain repair.

Dr Dhillon said preclinical research was an essential step before any potential treatment could be tested in babies.

“This step allows us to understand how brain injury develops, identify the best treatment timing, and gather the evidence needed before moving into clinical trials,” she said.

The three-year research programme will focus on establishing the safety and effectiveness of potential interventions and determining the most effective treatment window.

“Over the next three years, we will investigate whether this clinically available drug can safely reduce brain injury after a brain bleed and determine the most effective treatment window,” Dr Dhillon said.

“We will also examine early warning signs that may help clinicians detect these injuries sooner.”

Born and schooled in India, Dr Dhillon moved to New Zealand to pursue a Bachelor of Science and later a Master of Biomedical Science at the University of Auckland.

She subsequently completed her PhD at the university, researching how brain injuries develop and progress in the developing brain.

Dr Dhillon said her interest in science began during childhood, when her parents encouraged curiosity and learning.

“Curiosity and learning were always encouraged in our family. My parents were incredibly supportive of us exploring our interests and asking questions about the world around us,” she said.

Some of her strongest childhood memories involve family trips during which her parents taught her about the natural environment.

“They would explain why different tree and crop species were grown in different regions and encourage us to identify animal footprints on our farmland,” she recalled.

Those experiences helped develop her fascination with how living things adapt to their surroundings.

“Looking back, that curiosity and enjoyment of understanding how things work played an important role in shaping my interest in science and research,” she said.

Her later fascination with fetal physiology and neuroscience led her towards research focused on how babies respond to challenges before and around birth and how the developing brain can adapt and recover following injury.

Dr Dhillon completed her PhD under the mentorship of Professors Laura Bennet and Alistair Gunn and Associate Professor Joanne Davidson.

She said working alongside researchers who have made significant contributions to newborn health reinforced her commitment to the field.

Dr Dhillon said the possibility of improving outcomes for babies and families was a key motivation behind her work.

“The possibility of contributing even a small step towards better outcomes for these babies is what drives my research,” she said.

She also emphasised the importance of collaboration in scientific research.

“Scientific progress comes from teamwork, and I am grateful to be part of a collaborative environment where people are committed to tackling challenging and important problems together.”

Although any potential treatment could take years to reach clinical trials, the researchers say the current phase is critical for building the evidence required to establish safety, effectiveness and appropriate treatment timing.

The ultimate goal is to generate evidence that can support future clinical studies and, eventually, contribute to more effective treatments for premature babies affected by brain bleeds.

“By building a strong scientific foundation now, we hope to support the development of treatments that can improve outcomes for New Zealand families in the years ahead,” Dr Dhillon said.

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The man appeared before the NSW Bail Division Court on Tuesday, 11 August 2026, after an investigation by the Australian Federal Police (AFP) began in July following intelligence about a website allegedly displaying antisemitic content.

According to the AFP, the website contained several online articles featuring prohibited Nazi symbols and antisemitic material, as well as a video depicting extremist violence.

Investigators allegedly linked the 60-year-old man to the creation of the website.

AFP National Security Investigations (NSI) officers, together with members of the NSW Police Force, executed a search warrant at a property in Jannali, in Sydney’s south, on Tuesday.

Following an examination of electronic devices, the man was charged with two offences under the Commonwealth Criminal Code.

He was charged with publicly displaying prohibited hate symbols, contrary to section 80.2H of the Criminal Code, and publishing violent extremist material using a carriage service, contrary to section 474.45B(1).

Both offences carry a maximum penalty of five years’ imprisonment.

NSW Police also served the man with a Weapons Prohibition Order and a Firearms Prohibition Order.

The man was formally refused bail when he appeared before the NSW Bail Division Court and is due to next appear at Downing Centre Local Court on 26 August 2026.

The AFP said its National Security Investigations teams were established in October 2025 to target groups and individuals considered to be causing high levels of harm to Australia’s social cohesion, including through targeting of the Jewish community.

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I have no quarrel with recovering forgotten histories. The idea that Chinese Australians and mixed families were part of the social fabric at the turn of the twentieth century is fascinating, and interracial life in colonial Australia deserves to be explored. Kate Bagnall makes a solid historical case that such a character could plausibly have existed.

But plausibility isn’t the same as justification. My question is simpler: why does that story have to be inserted into Miles Franklin’s?

My Brilliant Career, published in 1901, is a work of its time — its assumptions, tensions and blind spots included. I wasn’t looking for a contemporary Australia retrofitted into the book when I first read it. I was discovering a different one through Franklin’s eyes. Literature can be a window precisely because it doesn’t look like us. Not every classic needs to be brought into conformity with the present.

And the conversation should be bigger than one character’s casting. Australia has an extraordinary number of untold stories: the Indian hawkers, merchants, sailors, students and families who built connections with Australia long before today’s multiculturalism; the friendships, tensions and exchanges between communities in the colonial era. As someone who came to Australian literature as an Indian student, I’d love to see those stories told.

Just not by rewriting the ones we already have.

If I wanted to write about an Indian-Australian family in Federation-era Australia, I wouldn’t take Franklin’s characters and make them Indian, or alter Henry Handel Richardson’s, or rework a classic Indigenous text to fit my narrative. I’d write the story that hasn’t been written yet. That’s the more exciting form of representation.

This isn’t only about race. Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey makes the same point from another angle. Homer has been reinterpreted for centuries, and no one seriously expects a literal twenty-first-century retelling — Nolan has every right to his own version. But that hasn’t stopped debate over what he changed, omitted or invented. Artistic freedom to reinvent a canonical work doesn’t put that reinvention beyond criticism. The same logic applies to My Brilliant Career: the question isn’t whether Netflix can reinterpret Franklin, but whether changing the classic is really the best way to serve representation — when there’s a third option.

Write a new one.

The Ghost in the Shell controversy is instructive too. When Hollywood cast Scarlett Johansson as Major in the 2017 adaptation of the Japanese manga, the backlash wasn’t really about her talent — it was about a powerful industry reshaping another culture’s property to fit its own expectations, instead of making something original. That question should cut both ways. If it’s a problem for Hollywood to alter a Japanese work rather than create something new, we should ask the same of ourselves when we alter an Australian one. The direction of cultural power differs; the principle doesn’t.

Here’s a harder question: would we be as enthusiastic if a celebrated Indigenous, Chinese-Australian or Indian-Australian novel were substantially reimagined by an outside production team — its characters’ ethnicity and relationships rewritten and called reinterpretation? I doubt it. And maybe it shouldn’t be treated differently. Respect for literary heritage shouldn’t depend on the author’s race — Franklin’s work isn’t untouchable because she was white, any more than a migrant writer’s would be fair game because they weren’t.

Both things can be true: Australia’s multicultural history deserves telling, and existing literary works deserve to keep their integrity. If the canon underrepresents Chinese, Indian and other migrant communities, expand it. If film and TV have overlooked colonial-era interracial life, fund the filmmakers who’ll tell those stories properly. Give writers from those communities the resources to make the work — don’t just change the characters in the books we already have.

I want to read the Chinese-Australian and Indian-Australian stories that haven’t been told yet. I want the stories of the people who crossed oceans, built businesses and made lives here long before today’s Australia took shape. I just don’t want them told at the expense of My Brilliant Career — and if I told one myself, I wouldn’t do it by rewriting a classic. I’d write my own.

Representation shouldn’t mean inserting new characters into old stories. It should mean giving new writers the chance to create stories of their own. The challenge for Australian culture isn’t to keep repainting the canon — it’s to expand it. The real achievement would be today’s Chinese-Australian, Indian-Australian, and migrant writers creating the classics future generations will argue about, adapt and love.

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For Patel, whose cricketing journey began in the most ordinary of settings, the selection represents another significant step in a rapidly rising career.

His first cricketing memory is not of a cricket ground, but the balcony of his family’s apartment in Australia, where his grandfather would bowl underarm to him while Patel, armed with a plastic foam bat, tried to hit the ball as hard as he could.

There was no talk of technique, roles or long-term plans — just a child, a bat and a ball.

Now, the New South Wales youngster is among 16 of Australia’s brightest emerging cricketers selected for the four-week tour, which will feature three 50-over matches and two four-day matches against India Under-19s in Rajkot and Ahmedabad from September 13 to October 9.

The squad will be coached by experienced mentor Tim Nielsen, with fast bowlers Will Byrom and Kasey Barton among the key players returning from Australia’s Under-19 World Cup campaign earlier this year.

Byrom took 10 wickets at 10.50 during the tournament in Zimbabwe, while Barton claimed four wickets as Australia reached the semi-finals before losing to England by 27 runs.

For Patel, the tour will provide an opportunity to test himself against one of the world’s strongest junior cricket systems in conditions that are very different from those in Australia.

An elegant opening batter who also bowls useful off-spin, Patel has quickly progressed through Australia’s junior cricket pathway thanks to his consistency and maturity at the crease.

Representing the University of New South Wales Cricket Club, Patel made headlines at just 16 by becoming one of the youngest players in Sydney Premier Cricket First Grade history after scoring more than 1,000 runs in a calendar year.

He has since added a maiden first-grade century to his growing list of achievements.

His performances also earned him selection for Cricket Australia’s Under-19 Men’s Talent Camp in Adelaide, where he was identified as one of the country’s leading young prospects.

Patel currently opens the batting for New South Wales at junior level and has developed a reputation for occupying the crease for long periods while continuing to rotate the strike and keep the scoreboard moving.

His ability to contribute with off-spin adds another dimension to his game.

Despite his rapid rise, Patel remains focused on the areas of his game he believes need improvement.

Speaking to Cricket Australia, the teenager said he had been working extensively on his back-foot game after receiving advice from his coaches.

“Batting wise, it’s back-foot stuff. I’ve been given advice from my coaches on how to work on that. Then also fielding, and the strength and fitness side of the game.”

One of Patel’s distinctive habits is maintaining a detailed OneNote journal documenting every innings he plays.

After each match, he records what worked well and the areas where he needs to improve.

“I think it’s just to stay on track with what I do and just be accountable. The OneNote keeps track of my performances; what I did well and what I can improve on for every single game, so I’m always learning.”

Away from cricket, Patel enjoys cooking, playing chess with his father and building.

Cricket Australia Head of National Development Sonya Thompson said the tour would provide Australia’s emerging players with valuable experience against high-quality opposition.

“We are really pleased to provide the opportunity to some of Australia’s best young players to continue their development as part of our pathways program,” Thompson said.

“Touring India and playing against high-quality opposition in challenging conditions will be a valuable experience and test the players technically and mentally across formats.”

The tour is part of Cricket Australia’s broader effort to increase opportunities for young players to gain experience in Asian conditions.

A CA Development squad has also travelled to Chennai for the annual MRF Academy Program, while Australia’s A side is scheduled to tour India in September for two first-class matches.

For Patel, however, the Under-19 tour carries an added significance.

Returning to the country of his family’s heritage, the young opener will have the chance to measure his progress against India’s emerging stars — while taking another step towards his ambition of establishing himself in Australian cricket.

Kasey Barton (TAS/Mosman CC), Hayden Barbulovic (SA/Tea Tree Gully DCC), Eli Brain (QLD/Northern Suburbs District Cricket Club), Will Byrom (NSW/Northern District CC), Blake Cattle (NSW/Keira CC, Illawarra), Jack Czosnek (VIC/Richmond CC), Spencer Green (QLD/Toombul District Cricket Club), Connor Gregory (SA/Sturt DCC), Charlie Henderson (QLD/University of Queensland Cricket Club), Zed Hollick (WA/Scarborough CC), Matthew Lough (WA/Claremont Nedlands Cricket Club), Neel Patel (NSW/University of NSW Cricket Club), Jacob Pietz (VIC/Camberwell Magpies CC), Patrick Sullivan (VIC/Geelong CC), Theo Tsingos (QLD/Sandgate Redcliffe District Cricket Club) and Thomas Vaseo (QLD/Redlands Tigers Cricket Club).

Queensland provides the largest representation with five players, while Victoria and New South Wales each have three.

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The landmark standards, described by the Transport Workers’ Union (TWU) as “world-leading”, will take effect from 17 August 2026 and apply across the on-demand delivery industry.

Under the new system, delivery workers will receive minimum safety-net rates ranging from $31.30 to $32 an hour, depending on the type of vehicle they use. The rates apply to “engaged time” while workers are performing delivery-related tasks.

The standards were developed following an application jointly pursued by the TWU and major delivery platforms Uber Eats and DoorDash, after negotiations over protections for gig workers.

The new framework is expected to apply beyond the two major platforms to other digital platforms providing on-demand food, drink and grocery delivery.

A key change is the introduction of minimum personal accident insurance. Delivery platforms will be required to arrange and pay for insurance providing a reasonable minimum level of cover for workers injured while performing their work.

Workers, however, will remain responsible for maintaining third-party insurance for vehicles used for deliveries. This means platforms will generally not be responsible for damage a worker causes to another vehicle in an accident.

The standards also introduce greater transparency around delivery offers, dispute-resolution processes and worker representation, while seeking to preserve the flexibility associated with app-based work.

TWU national secretary Michael Kaine described the decision as a major step forward for workers in the gig economy.

The FWC’s decision follows years of debate over whether gig workers should continue to be treated primarily as independent contractors or receive protections similar to employees.

The new framework uses the legal category of “employee-like” workers, created under Australia’s recent workplace relations reforms. The FWC has powers to establish minimum standards covering matters including payment, working time, insurance, consultation and representation.

The decision could have implications beyond Australia as governments and regulators in other countries grapple with how to regulate rapidly expanding gig-economy platforms while retaining flexibility for workers.

For Australian delivery workers, the changes represent the introduction of an enforceable income floor in an industry where earnings have traditionally varied according to individual deliveries, demand and platform payment structures.

The FWC’s decision follows extensive consultation with gig workers, unions, digital platforms and other stakeholders, including Amazon and Australia Post.

The new standards are expected to take effect nationally from 17 August, providing what the TWU, Uber Eats and DoorDash described as an industry-wide safety net while retaining the flexibility that has made app-based delivery work attractive to many workers.

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Officers from the Moreton Tactical Crime Squad, assisted by the Public Safety Response Team and Dog Squad, executed a search warrant at a Cross Street property shortly after 5pm on 2 August.

Police allege they found two handguns designed to fold and resemble mobile phones, along with two pistols and multiple rounds of ammunition.

Quantities of methylamphetamine, GHB, cannabis and ketamine were also allegedly seized.

A motorcycle allegedly stolen from Deception Bay between 20 February and 8 March was also located at the property.

A 37-year-old Deception Bay man faces multiple charges, including possessing dangerous drugs, unlawful possession of a motor vehicle and weapons, and offences relating to drug-related property and equipment.

A 52-year-old Rollingstone man was charged with unlawful possession of weapons.

A 40-year-old Burpengary man was charged with possessing dangerous drugs and failing to properly dispose of a needle or syringe, while a 44-year-old Deception Bay man was charged with an offence relating to possession of S4 or S8 medicines or hazardous poisons.

All four men are due to appear before Caboolture Magistrates Court on 31 August.

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Dick said Nepali Australians were now among the country’s fastest-growing migrant communities.

“Here in Australia, Nepalis are our fastest growing migrant community with over 180,000 Nepalese Australians and more than 60,000 Nepali students,” Dick said.

“We recognise the important contribution Nepalese Australians make across the country.”

The meeting brought community representatives to the Australian Parliament as the Nepali Australian community continues to expand across Australia, with strong participation in business, education, health, professional services and community organisations.

Dick has previously played a role in strengthening Australia-Nepal parliamentary ties.

In October 2023, he led the first-ever multi-partisan Australian parliamentary delegation to Nepal. The delegation visited the country from 3 to 7 October to mark more than 60 years of diplomatic relations between Australia and Nepal.

The visit included discussions with Nepali political leaders and government representatives on bilateral relations, trade, education, development and people-to-people links.

Australia and Nepal established diplomatic relations in 1960, and the relationship has since developed through education, migration, tourism, development cooperation and growing community connections.

The growing number of Nepali Australians and international students has also strengthened people-to-people links between the two countries.

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Parminder Singh, who was number three on One Nation WA’s Legislative Council ticket at the 2025 state election, made the comments in a video posted by Perth comedian and content creator Jasky Singh, known as “Mr Sikkant”.

In the video, Singh allegedly questioned whether people were born gay and as per ABC said: “No, no, it’s a mental illness.”

It is reported that Singh also criticised Pride parades, describing them as an “advertisement” to young people, and said same-sex marriage should not be legalised.

Gorman, whose Perth electorate has hosted the city’s Pride Parade since 1990, strongly rejected the comments.

“Homophobia has no place in Australia. It has no place in Perth,” Gorman said.

“These views from a senior One Nation WA member are deeply offensive.

I completely reject them.

I reject the hate and discrimination that they seek to spread.”

Gorman said Perth was a welcoming community that celebrated diversity. “Australians are welcoming people. We celebrate one another,” he said.

“The Perth electorate has been home to the Pride Parade since 1990. I have joined the march many times. It is a celebration of the kind and welcoming community we live in and build together.”

Meaghan Holden, CEO of Living Proud Inc in Western Australia, told ABC that the organisation was “deeply concerned” by Singh’s comments.

“Such statements are inaccurate, harmful and inconsistent with decades of medical, psychological and community understanding that sexuality and gender diversity are a part of human diversity,” Holden said.

“Remember that behind these public conversations are real people; our family members, friends, colleagues, neighbours and children.”

As per ABC, One Nation MP Barnaby Joyce distanced himself from Singh’s views, describing them as “highly offensive”.

Singh’s profile was removed from the One Nation website after media enquiries, although Joyce said he did not have the power to formally disendorse him.

“That is not a good sign, is it? To be pulled off the website,” Joyce said.

“I don’t concur with his views.”

Shadow Treasurer Tim Wilson also criticised Singh, saying the comments had “removed all doubt” about his character.

As per ABC, Singh has previously been promoted by One Nation’s Western Australian organisation, which described him as a “genuinely great person” in a 2024 social media post.

Same-sex marriage has been legal in Australia since 2017.

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Aujla, one of the biggest names in Punjabi music, was due to begin his five-date Australian run in Perth on Thursday. The Perth show has now been rescheduled to August 24.

Representatives for the Canadian-Indian singer told news.com.au that the Australian immigration authorities have sought further evidence after identifying him as a “person of interest”.

The identity cited by Home Affairs is reportedly Jaskaran Singh, a Canadian man arrested in Ontario in May 2024 over alleged extortion and firearm offences.

Aujla’s full name is Jaskaran Singh Aujla, raising concerns among his representatives that he may have been confused with the Ontario man. They also say the two men have different ages and that Aujla lives in British Columbia, on the opposite side of Canada from where the alleged offences occurred.

Aujla had previously received an Australian visa in September 2024, just four months after the arrest of the other Jaskaran Singh, and subsequently performed in Australia in October and November that year without reported visa issues.

The singer apologised to fans in Perth after the latest delay.

“Perth I’m very sorry to say we are rescheduling Thursday’s show due to delays with the approval of my Australian visa,” Aujla said on Instagram.

“I’ve never had visa issues in any country, including last time I toured Australia.”

He said he hoped the matter would be resolved quickly and asked fans to hold on to their tickets.

Aujla is scheduled to perform at the Adelaide Entertainment Centre on August 16, followed by two shows at Melbourne’s Rod Laver Arena on August 18 and 19. His Sydney show is scheduled for August 21, before the rescheduled Perth performance on August 24.

The singer has a massive international following, with more than 15 million Instagram followers and billions of streams across music platforms.

Born in Punjab and raised partly in Canada after moving there as a teenager, Aujla began his career writing songs for other Punjabi artists before launching his own recording career.

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In a post on X, Hanson labelled the controversy “MelonGate” and questioned why the Japanese melons discussed by Albanese during a satirical podcast appearance did not appear to be listed in his parliamentary disclosure.

“Something’s missing,” Hanson wrote.

Hanson also questioned why the Bush Deep podcast episode, in which Albanese discussed the gift, appeared to be the only recent podcast interview without a transcript on the Prime Minister’s official media page.

The controversy centres on comments Albanese made during the comedy podcast in July while discussing Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi giving him Japanese melons.

During the interview, Albanese made gestures in front of his chest while saying, “she brought two, as you do”, prompting the podcast host to make a joke about Pamela Anderson.

Opposition Leader Angus Taylor has called on Albanese to apologise to Takaichi and publicly acknowledge what he described as a serious lapse of judgement.

“A Prime Minister needs to be firm, but a Prime Minister should also show grace and humility when they make a mistake,” Taylor said.

“Anthony Albanese has made a mistake with his ill-considered comments on the Bush Deep podcast, filmed at The Lodge.”

Taylor described the remarks as “offensive, unstatesmanlike, and not befitting the office he holds”.

“The Prime Minister needs to swap hubris for humility, call and apologise to Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi, and issue a public apology to demonstrate he is a leader of maturity and decency,” he said.

“He should put our great relationship with Japan and Australia’s reputation above his own pride.”

Taylor also said he would raise the matter in Parliament and seek an explanation over what he described as the disclosure of “confidential and sensitive correspondence”.

Albanese has rejected calls to apologise.

Asked in Parliament whether he would apologise, Albanese said: “I reject the assertion in the question.”

He instead pointed to the strength of Australia-Japan relations.

“Australia and Japan have never been closer or more strategically aligned,” Albanese said, highlighting cooperation between the two countries on economic, strategic and security issues.

Government ministers have defended the Prime Minister.

Assistant Minister Pat Gorman said there was “no need” for an apology, while Resources Minister Madeleine King described reporting of the comments as “sensationalised”.

Environment Minister Murray Watt said some media interpretations of the podcast had been “misinterpreted”.

The issue has also prompted debate over whether the remarks caused offence in Japan. Shiro Armstrong, director of the Australia-Japan Research Centre at the Australian National University, previously described the controversy as a “non-issue” in Japan, saying there had been no discussion of Albanese’s comments there until weeks later.

Hanson has now revived the controversy by questioning both the disclosure of the melon gift and the absence of a podcast transcript.

“Some of these melons can sell for tens of thousands of dollars,” Hanson wrote.

“For a government elected on a promise of transparency, only one question remains:

Prime Minister, where’s the melon?”

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The move comes against the backdrop of years of cooperation between NASA and ISRO. Their partnership includes NISAR, the NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar mission, a joint Earth-observation satellite launched by ISRO in 2025 after more than a decade of technical collaboration between the two agencies.

ISRO has also emerged as one of the world’s leading space agencies, with a string of landmark achievements. In 2023, Chandrayaan-3 made India the first country to successfully land in the Moon’s southern polar region and deploy a rover there, demonstrating capabilities directly relevant to NASA’s growing focus on the lunar South Pole. India’s Mangalyaan, meanwhile, made history by reaching Mars orbit on its very first attempt in 2014, making ISRO only the fourth space agency to successfully place a spacecraft in Martian orbit at the time.

ISRO has repeatedly demonstrated its ability to deliver complex missions at remarkable scale. In February 2017, its PSLV-C37 rocket launched 104 satellites in a single mission, a world record at the time. These achievements have helped establish India as a credible and increasingly influential space power.

The invitation opens the door to discussions on how ISRO could contribute its lunar expertise, technology and scientific capabilities to NASA’s Moon Base effort — potentially taking the India-US space partnership from joint missions on Earth and in orbit to humanity’s next major frontier: a sustained presence on the Moon.

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The legislation had been due to take effect for most Victorian workplaces from September 1 this year, giving eligible employees whose jobs can reasonably be performed remotely a legal right to work from home for two days a week. Mr Carroll announced on Tuesday that the commencement would instead be pushed back to July 1, 2027.

The decision follows an intense campaign by major employer groups urging the new Premier to abandon the legislation altogether, arguing it would increase costs, create additional regulation and damage Victoria’s competitiveness.

Mr Carroll, who replaced Jacinta Allan as Premier late last month, said he remained committed to flexible work but wanted further consultation before the laws took effect.

“I want to be very clear — I support work from home,” Mr Carroll said.

“I support flexible work. It is good for working families.”

He said economic policy required cooperation between employees, employers and government, adding that his “door will always be open to the business community”. Mr Carroll said he had personally spoken with Victorian Chamber of Commerce and Industry chief executive Sally Curtain and Australian Industry Group Victorian head Tim Piper before announcing the delay.

“I’ve spoken with Sally Curtain this morning, and Tim Piper, and I’ve informed them that work-from-home will not proceed on the 1st of September,” he said.

“It will proceed on the 1st of July, 2027.”

The move is one of the clearest signs yet that Mr Carroll intends to take a different approach to business than his predecessor.

He has repeatedly spoken about repairing relations with employers and attracting investment, telling the ABC last week that he wanted to “roll the red carpet out” for businesses and make clear that his government was in their corner.

Despite delaying commencement, Mr Carroll says Labor still intends to pass the legislation before Victorians go to the polls on November 28. Parliamentary debate has been temporarily paused to allow further consultation and potential amendments.

The Equal Opportunity Amendment (Work from Home) Bill 2026 was introduced by Ms Allan on June 16 and passed the Legislative Assembly without amendment on July 30. It is currently before the Legislative Council at the second-reading stage.

Under the bill as introduced, employees working at least 38 hours a week would be entitled to work from home for two days where doing so is reasonable. Part-time workers and regular casual employees would receive a proportional entitlement.

Employees on probation, apprentices, trainees, interns, graduate program participants and some casual workers are among those excluded from the proposed scheme. Workers already entitled to seek flexible arrangements under particular provisions of the federal Fair Work Act would continue to use the federal process.

The bill would require employees to give employers written notice setting out the days and times they intended to work remotely. Employers would have 21 days to respond.

Employers could refuse a request where working from home would cause problems such as a significant reduction in productivity, safety concerns, adverse effects on training or customer service, data-security risks, excessive costs or an inability to perform the inherent requirements of the job.

Employers would also be required to meet reasonable costs necessary to allow an employee to work remotely, including essential equipment and secure access to workplace systems in applicable circumstances.

Employees disputing an employer’s decision could seek conciliation through the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission, with unresolved matters potentially proceeding to the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal.

When the legislation was introduced, the Allan government argued working from home could save Victorian employees an average of $110 a week, or $5,308 a year, while cutting commuting time and helping more parents and carers remain in the workforce.

The original legislation already contained a longer transition period for workplaces with fewer than 15 employees, which were not due to come under the scheme until July 1, 2027. Mr Carroll’s announcement effectively pushes the proposed commencement for larger employers to that same date.

Working from home has remained widespread since the pandemic. Victorian Parliamentary Library research said 36.2 per cent of Australian employees were working from home at least some of the time as of August 2025, with an estimated 429,400 Victorian employees following the common pattern of working remotely one or two days a week.

Business groups, however, argue a legislated entitlement is unnecessary because flexible arrangements are already widespread.

The Business Council of Australia welcomed Mr Carroll’s delay but called on him to go further and scrap the bill.

Business Council chief executive Bran Black said the decision showed the Premier was taking “the first steps towards listening to the concerns of the business community”.

But he said the organisation remained opposed to the legislation, arguing it would add to economic pressure in Victoria and risk discouraging investment and employment.

The BCA says four in five businesses already offer flexible working arrangements and argues decisions about remote work should be negotiated between employers and employees rather than imposed through state legislation.

A coalition of business and employer groups had issued a joint statement a day before Mr Carroll’s announcement calling for the bill to be abandoned, saying Victoria should instead focus on attracting investment, creating jobs and improving household confidence.

The Victorian Chamber has also welcomed the delay while maintaining that the legislation should be scrapped.

Ms Curtain described the bill as “completely unnecessary, costly and burdensome for Victorian businesses” and said the chamber hoped to persuade the Premier to abandon it.

The opposition has taken a different position, supporting the principle of work-from-home protections while seeking amendments.

Shadow attorney-general James Newbury said a September implementation would have given businesses only weeks to prepare and described some delay as reasonable. The Coalition has also sought changes including removing provisions it says could allow union officials to enter private homes being used as workplaces.

The Greens have attacked Mr Carroll from the opposite direction, accusing Labor of bowing to corporate pressure.

Victorian Greens leader Ellen Sandell said workers had been weeks away from receiving the new protections before business groups intensified their campaign.

She argued the delay would particularly affect women, carers and people with disability who can benefit from flexible working arrangements.

The political stakes are heightened by the timing.

Victoria’s state election will be held on November 28, while the new commencement date announced by Mr Carroll is more than seven months later.

That means voters will go to the polls knowing Labor intends to legislate the entitlement, but the scheme would not actually begin until well into the next parliamentary term.

Mr Carroll is now attempting to hold together two positions: retaining Labor’s promise to give eligible workers a statutory right to work from home while demonstrating to businesses that his government is prepared to reconsider how the policy operates.

For employers pushing for the bill to be scrapped, the delay has bought additional time but has not delivered the outcome they want. For workers expecting the new entitlement from September, the wait has become considerably longer.

The debate is now likely to continue through the election campaign as Labor, the Coalition, business groups and unions argue over how far government should go in determining where Victorians work.

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Nandini Ishvi O. Sangma, a student of Political Science at Don Bosco College, Tura, participated alongside young delegates from across the Commonwealth at the international parliamentary forum.

During the programme, Nandini delivered two speeches in which she showcased Meghalaya’s rich cultural and natural heritage, including its matrilineal social structure, living root bridges and distinctive traditions.

She described Meghalaya as one of the wettest places on Earth and highlighted its reputation as the “Rock Capital of India”.

Explaining Meghalaya’s matrilineal system, Nandini said family lineage is traditionally traced through the mother and property is generally inherited by the youngest daughter.

However, she stressed that matriliny should not be confused with female dominance or automatically equated with gender equality.

Nandini also used the international platform to discuss the continuing global struggle for women’s rights.

She highlighted barriers to girls’ education in parts of the world and the use of sexual violence during conflicts, calling for stronger commitments to equality, justice and human dignity.

During a debate on the Artificial Intelligence and Democratic Integrity Bill 2026, she addressed the growing influence of AI on democratic institutions.

Nandini acknowledged the potential of AI to transform sectors including education, healthcare and governance, but argued that technological development must remain grounded in human values and democratic accountability.

She emphasised that AI should complement rather than replace human judgement, conscience and institutional responsibility.

Her participation was made possible after she was nominated by Meghalaya Assembly Speaker Thomas A. Sangma and supported by Chief Minister Conrad K. Sangma.

Australian High Commissioner to India Philip Green also highlighted Nandini’s participation, describing her representation of India at the Commonwealth Youth Parliament in Sydney as an “inspiring achievement”.

“Meghalaya’s Nandini Ishvi O. Sangma represented India at the 13th Commonwealth Youth Parliament in Sydney, spotlighting the state’s cultural heritage & discussing gender equality, democracy & responsible AI. An inspiring achievement,” Green said in a social media post.

Nandini’s participation has been welcomed as a significant achievement for Meghalaya and the wider Northeast, giving a young representative from the region an international platform to discuss issues ranging from cultural identity to the future of democracy and technology.

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The decision, announced following the Reserve Bank Board’s meeting on Tuesday, comes after three cash rate increases earlier this year, with policymakers determining that monetary policy is already exerting a restrictive effect on the economy while they assess incoming economic data.

The Board said inflation had picked up significantly in the second half of 2025, with recent data confirming that stronger-than-expected capacity pressures within the Australian economy were contributing to higher prices.

While the inflationary impact of the conflict in the Middle East has so far been less severe than initially feared, the RBA said headline inflation remains well above its target, with underlying inflation also continuing at elevated levels.

The central bank noted that oil prices and related commodities remain higher than before the conflict, placing upward pressure on transport costs and broader consumer prices. Businesses facing higher input costs have already begun increasing prices or are planning to do so, while short-term inflation expectations, although easing, remain above earlier levels.

The Board acknowledged that financial conditions have tightened considerably following the recent interest rate increases.

Money market rates and government bond yields have risen, while the Australian dollar has appreciated. Consumer spending is beginning to slow as expected, although business investment and borrowing remain relatively strong.

The housing market is also showing signs of softening.

The RBA said housing prices have declined in some capital cities and the number of new housing loans has fallen noticeably, indicating higher borrowing costs are reducing demand.

Meanwhile, labour market conditions have eased slightly more than anticipated in recent months, although leading indicators suggest only limited further softening in the near term.

Despite these signs of slowing economic activity, the Reserve Bank warned that inflation remains its primary concern.

It said disruptions to global oil supplies continue to add directly to inflation and there is growing evidence that higher fuel costs are flowing through to the prices of other goods and services.

The Board believes inflation is now likely to remain above target for an extended period and is not expected to return to around the midpoint of the RBA’s 2–3 per cent target range until late 2027.

The RBA also highlighted significant uncertainty surrounding both domestic and global economic conditions.

While Australia’s major trading partners have so far performed better than expected, largely due to strong investment linked to artificial intelligence, risks remain if the Middle East conflict continues or global energy supplies remain constrained.

The Board warned that prolonged geopolitical uncertainty could weaken economic growth both internationally and domestically while further lifting inflation.

Domestically, the RBA said historically weak productivity growth continues to limit Australia’s economic potential.

In explaining its decision to leave rates unchanged, the Board said the economy appears to be slowing broadly as expected and monetary policy is already restrictive.

However, it made clear that inflation remains too high and that it will not hesitate to increase interest rates further if upside inflation risks materialise.

“The Board remains focused on ensuring that high inflation does not become embedded,” the RBA said.

It added that growth in aggregate demand needs to remain subdued to reduce capacity pressures and return inflation sustainably to target.

The decision to leave the cash rate unchanged at 4.35 per cent was unanimous.

The RBA said future decisions will continue to depend on incoming economic data and its evolving assessment of inflation and economic risks, reaffirming its commitment to achieving both price stability and full employment.

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Addressing Labor’s parliamentary caucus on Monday, Mr Albanese reflected on recent developments during the parliamentary break, including the signing of a new alliance with Fiji, the entry into force of Australia’s alliance with Papua New Guinea and the visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Melbourne.

Mr Albanese described the Melbourne event with Mr Modi as “quite extraordinary”, pointing to the enthusiastic response from Australia’s Indian community.

“I don’t think anyone who saw that footage could doubt that,” Mr Albanese said.

“It was a very excited Australian Indian community who were there on that evening.”

The comments come as Australia and India continue to deepen their strategic, economic and people-to-people relationship, with both governments seeking to expand cooperation across trade, education, technology, defence and critical minerals.

Mr Albanese also highlighted the Government’s growing engagement with Pacific island nations.

“During the break as well, we signed our new alliance with Fiji and our alliance with PNG came into force,” he said.

He noted that Australia had historically had only two formal alliances for its first 125 years, but had established two new alliances in the past 12 months.

Foreign Minister Senator Penny Wong is expected to make statements in Parliament this week on the new arrangements.

Mr Albanese said the Government had also engaged with leaders from Solomon Islands, Samoa and Tonga during the parliamentary break.

AI, healthcare and gambling reforms

The Prime Minister used his address to outline a broad legislative agenda for the remainder of the year.

He highlighted the Government’s plans to establish Australian standards for artificial intelligence, saying Australia would seek to build on the initiative internationally.

Mr Albanese said he would use his visit to the United Nations in September to advance Australia’s position on AI.

“We’ll build on that to lead the world, just like we have led the world in our social media policies,” he said.

The Government is also preparing legislation covering gambling advertising and inducements, with Mr Albanese describing the proposed reforms as the strongest anti-gambling legislation Australia has seen.

He said the measures would target gambling advertising, reduce children’s exposure and address inducements while maintaining a balance for Australians who participate in recreational gambling.

The reforms are expected to be considered by the House of Representatives later this week.

On healthcare, Mr Albanese said national bulk-billing rates had risen to more than 84 per cent, describing the figure as evidence that Labor was on track to achieve its target of 90 per cent bulk billing by 2030.

He also highlighted the expansion of Free TAFE, saying enrolments had reached about 800,000, including 32,000 construction apprentices.

The Government’s first-home buyer measures were also cited as part of its broader domestic agenda.

Support for Australian journalism

Mr Albanese also flagged the Government’s proposed News Bargaining Incentive, which is designed to encourage agreements between digital platforms and Australian media organisations.

He said the measure was about ensuring media organisations were paid for the journalism they produce.

“This is about media being paid for the work that journalists do,” Mr Albanese said.

The Government has argued that the initiative will help support Australia’s news media sector and the production of public-interest journalism.

NDIS and worker protections

Mr Albanese said he had met with Opposition Leader to discuss proposed changes to the National Disability Insurance Scheme and expected the legislation to pass during the current parliamentary sitting fortnight.

He also highlighted Labor’s proposed Fair Work Court, which would provide a faster pathway for workers seeking to recover unpaid wages and other workplace entitlements.

The Government has argued that the new system would benefit both workers and employers by reducing lengthy legal processes.

Mr Albanese also pointed to the expansion of paid placements in the health sector, saying the initiative had already made a significant difference.

Energy security and foreign policy

The Prime Minister said the Government was investigating the possibility of a new oil refinery in Western Australia as part of its efforts to strengthen domestic fuel security.

He said Australia currently had more fuel supply than it did when the conflict in the Middle East began on 28 February.

Mr Albanese credited Resources Minister Chris Bowen and Agriculture Minister Julie Collins with work on fuel security and other policy challenges, including the management of avian influenza.

Looking ahead, Mr Albanese framed the return to Parliament as an opportunity for Labor to strengthen its policy agenda ahead of 2027.

He contrasted the Government’s approach with what he described as opposition from the Liberals, Nationals and One Nation.

“We choose progress over protest. We choose purpose over chaos. We choose unity over division,” he said.

“How we bring the country together. And importantly, we choose outcomes over outrage.”

Mr Albanese said the legislation expected to pass during the second half of 2026 would help position the Government for the year ahead.

“The legislation that we will be having in this second half of the year will set us up to go into 2027, even stronger as we go forward,” he said.

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Brooklyn-based District Judge Nicholas Garaufis approved the federal prosecutors’ request to dismiss the case on Monday. It brings an end to a high-profile legal battle that had been pending since charges were announced in 2024.

Adani welcomed the decision. He said he respected the US judicial process and remained confident in the rule of law.

“I welcome the US court’s decision with humility and deep respect for the judicial process,” Adani said in a statement.

“Throughout this challenging period, our faith in truth, fairness and the rule of law remained unwavering.”

He thanked those who continued to have faith in him, the legal system and India’s capacity for justice.

“We will continue doing what matters: building for our nation, creating value that outlasts us and serving a purpose larger than ourselves,” he said.

“That is our commitment. Jai Hind.”

Adani was charged in November 2024 with allegedly agreeing to bribe Indian government officials to secure approvals for a solar energy project involving an Adani Group subsidiary.

US prosecutors also alleged that the group misled American investors by providing assurances about its anti-corruption practices.

Adani Group has consistently denied wrongdoing. Adani himself did not appear in a US court to respond to the criminal allegations.

The Justice Department announced in May that it would no longer pursue the prosecution. It cited factors including the predominantly foreign nature of the case. Also noted were difficulties in proving the allegations and the department’s current enforcement priorities.

However, Judge Garaufis initially sought further explanation before approving the dismissal, describing the Justice Department’s initial explanation as insufficiently detailed.

The judge also questioned whether Adani’s previous commitment to invest US$10 billion in the United States had any connection to the decision to drop the charges.

Adani told the court in a sworn declaration that he was not aware of any agreement. There was no exchange of investment or other benefit for the indictment’s dismissal.

He acknowledged that he had previously pledged to invest US$10 billion in the United States. He said his lawyers had told prosecutors that the investment commitment “might be part of a resolution of these matters”.

Adani’s lawyer, Robert Giuffra, separately told the court that the Justice Department had indicated that the Adani Group’s willingness to invest in the US would not be considered as part of any resolution of the criminal case.

In a July court filing, senior Justice Department official Trent McCotter also rejected suggestions that the decision to abandon the prosecution was linked to Adani’s investment plans.

The dismissal comes amid a broader shift in federal prosecutorial priorities under US President Donald Trump’s second administration, with prosecutors seeking to abandon several high-profile white-collar cases.

The decision formally ends the US criminal prosecution against Adani, although the dismissal does not constitute a judicial finding that the allegations were disproved on their merits.

Adani Group has maintained that the allegations were unfounded and has continued its business operations in India and international markets.

The billionaire said the conclusion of the case would not alter his broader commitment to investment, nation-building and economic development.

“We will continue doing what matters,” Adani said.

“building for our nation, creating value that outlasts us and serving a purpose larger than ourselves.”

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The consignment was sourced directly from Makhana growers in Bihar’s Darbhanga district. BIADA Industrial Area in Bihta, Bihar shipped it with APEDA’s support.

India’s Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal described the shipment as a major achievement for Bihar’s agricultural export sector.

“For the first time, 18 metric tonnes of GI-tagged Mithila Makhana from Bihar was exported to Australia by sea route in collaboration with APEDA,” Goyal said.

He said the consignment, purchased directly from farmers in Darbhanga, provided them with around 18 per cent higher returns than prevailing market prices.

The shipment was flagged off by Bihar Agriculture Minister Vijay Kumar Sinha and involved state government officials, APEDA representatives, exporters, logistics providers and Makhana growers.

The consignment was exported by NIAD Green, with logistics support from Bihar-based startup Jitban Supply Chain Pvt Ltd. The company was selected as the operations and maintenance agency for an integrated irradiation and packhouse facility developed by the Bihar government at Bihta.

The facility includes irradiation capacity, cold storage, dry warehousing and an export packhouse, providing infrastructure to process and prepare agricultural products for international markets.

Jitban Supply Chain Director Vikash Kumar said the Australia shipment represented the culmination of a wider effort involving farmers, government agencies, research institutions, banks and logistics partners.

He said seven containers of Makhana were shipped to Australia following an order from the NIAD Group, with the product sourced directly from Bihar and packed to meet international retail requirements.

The initiative has also involved technical support from the Food Technology Division of the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC), which has been working with the Makhana sector since March 2025.

APEDA has supported the initiative through export facilitation, market development, capacity building and coordination with stakeholders.

Bihar is India’s largest Makhana-producing state, accounting for around 85 per cent of national production. The crop is particularly important to communities across the Mithila region, where cultivation, harvesting and processing provide livelihoods for thousands of families.

Makhana, also known as fox nut or the seed of Euryale ferox, is harvested from aquatic plants growing in ponds, wetlands and shallow water bodies. The seeds are roasted and traditionally processed to produce the white, crunchy kernels widely consumed in India.

The product has gained growing international attention as a plant-based snack and health food, while also retaining an important role in Indian religious and cultural traditions.

A separate Harmonised System (HS) code for Makhana came into effect in July 2025, helping improve the identification and tracking of the product in international trade.

During 2025–26, India exported more than 7,000 metric tonnes of Makhana and value-added Makhana products to more than 20 international destinations, including the United States, the Middle East and Africa.

The first sea shipment from Bihar to Australia is expected to further expand the international market for Mithila Makhana and strengthen direct links between farmers and overseas buyers.

Bihar authorities and APEDA are now looking to develop farmer cooperatives, Farmer Producer Companies and modern farm-gate popping and processing centres to support further exports.

The initiative also highlights the growing role of Bihar’s agricultural infrastructure and startups in taking traditional regional products into global markets.

With Australia becoming a new destination for GI-tagged Mithila Makhana, exporters and policymakers hope the shipment will pave the way for regular commercial exports and create higher-value opportunities for farmers across Bihar.

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The earthquake struck on August 10, with the epicentre near San José del Palmar in the department of Chocó. The tremor was felt across a wide area of Colombia, including major cities such as Cali, Pereira, Quibdó and Manizales. Shaking was also reported in neighbouring countries.

Authorities said the earthquake caused extensive damage to buildings and infrastructure across several departments. Around 1,600 buildings were reported to have been damaged, including 61 that collapsed completely.

Pereira, the capital of Risaralda, was among the worst-affected areas. Emergency crews and local residents searched damaged buildings for people who may have been trapped beneath the rubble. Significant damage was also reported in Cali and parts of Chocó.

The earthquake also disrupted transport and communications. Airports in parts of western Colombia were temporarily closed while authorities checked buildings and facilities for structural damage. Communications were particularly difficult in some remote areas, making it harder for emergency teams to establish the full extent of the destruction.

Emergency services, soldiers and residents have been involved in search-and-rescue operations as authorities work to locate survivors and assess damaged communities.

More than 20 aftershocks were reported following the main earthquake, adding to the challenges faced by rescue teams working around damaged structures.

Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella declared a national emergency as the government mobilised resources for rescue and relief efforts. The president said the immediate priority was to assist people affected by the disaster and respond to those still trapped or in need of medical attention.

The earthquake has been described by Colombian authorities as the country’s strongest seismic event of the 21st century. Colombia is located in a highly active seismic region, where interactions between tectonic plates regularly generate earthquakes.

The latest disaster has also renewed attention on the country’s vulnerability to major earthquakes. Colombia suffered another devastating earthquake in 1999, when a magnitude 6.2 quake struck the coffee-growing region, killing more than 1,000 people.

For now, rescue and damage-assessment operations remain underway across western Colombia. Authorities have warned that casualty and damage figures could change as emergency teams reach more affected areas.

The confirmed toll currently stands at 111 dead and 87 injured.

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The case, reported by the New Zealand Herald, involves an Indian woman named Pooja*. She says the breakdown of her arranged marriage has left her with prolonged legal proceedings. There are financial liabilities and disputes over her child’s care.

Documents examined by the NZ Herald indicate that Indian authorities have asked New Zealand officials to deport her former husband. He is identified as Raj*, who is wanted in connection with an ongoing criminal investigation in India.

An Indian police summary provided to New Zealand authorities states investigators alleged marriage was entered into as a pre-planned scheme. The scheme aimed for financial and immigration benefits, and was falsely portrayed as genuine.

Indian authorities also alleged that Raj had used international borders to avoid legal consequences.

In April 2025, a police sub-inspector reportedly asked New Zealand authorities to cancel Raj’s visa and deport him, citing his alleged failure to cooperate with the investigation.

Raj has denied wrongdoing.

He told the NZ Herald that court proceedings relating to Pooja’s allegations were continuing in India and said there was no evidence that he had committed domestic violence.

His passport has reportedly expired, while Indian authorities have alleged it was cancelled after he failed to comply with a court summons or warrant.

Pooja has also alleged that about $100,000 worth of her gold jewellery was taken during the marriage. Raj has disputed the allegations.

The former couple’s dispute has also included allegations concerning dowry.

Pooja said requests for gifts and jewellery began while the couple were being introduced through an arranged marriage process and that demands continued after the wedding.

Raj denied that his family had demanded dowry, saying the allegations were unsupported.

The case has also highlighted concerns raised by advocates about dowry-related abuse affecting some migrant women in New Zealand.

Shakti, an organisation supporting people from Asian, African and Middle Eastern communities affected by domestic and sexual violence, told the Herald that more than 75 per cent of Indian victims who approached the organisation had reported dowry abuse.

Shakti lead counsellor Shila Nair said alleged dowry-related abuse could involve demands for cash, jewellery, vehicles, land or housing contributions, as well as psychological and financial abuse.

Nair also said some migrant women could become particularly vulnerable when they arrive in New Zealand through arranged marriages and have limited family or social support in the country.

Pooja has separately alleged that financial commitments were taken out in her name without her knowledge.

She said she discovered a vehicle loan of about $21,500 had been taken out in her name and later became aware of a life insurance policy that she alleged would have provided a substantial payment to Raj if she died.

Pooja said she eventually settled the vehicle loan with assistance from her family.

Raj disputed her account of the vehicle loan, saying she was aware of it and that he had evidence supporting his position. He also denied taking out the alleged life insurance policy.

Pooja lodged a complaint with Indian police in early 2024 alleging domestic violence, dowry abuse, financial exploitation and immigration fraud.

According to the Herald, an Indian police summary subsequently provided to New Zealand authorities alleged that Pooja had experienced domestic violence, financial exploitation, immigration fraud and emotional trauma during the marriage.

Pooja also approached New Zealand Police in October 2024 with allegations concerning financial irregularities, domestic violence and emotional abuse.

New Zealand Police reportedly did not pursue one of the complaints, saying it did not meet the threshold for criminal prosecution and was considered a civil matter.

Immigration New Zealand has confirmed that it is aware of correspondence received in 2025 concerning an Indian national and allegations originating overseas.

INZ said the information was reviewed when received but that, based on the information available at the time, there was insufficient evidence to take immediate immigration action.

The matter has since been referred for further internal assessment.

INZ said it could not provide specific details because of privacy considerations and the ongoing assessment.

The agency said immigration authorities generally consider whether visa holders facing criminal charges or allegations may be liable for deportation under the Immigration Act.

New Zealand Police also said it received an unverified email in March 2025 from someone claiming to be an Indian police officer. The email was forwarded to Interpol Wellington, which advised the sender to pursue the matter through Interpol New Delhi.

Pooja said the prolonged dispute had affected her finances, career and personal life. She said she was currently relying on benefits and alleged that Raj was not paying child support.

Despite the difficulties, she said she wanted to raise awareness about the challenges faced by migrant women experiencing abuse.

“This is not only about me,” she told the Herald.

“I can survive on not much food, but I want to fight for other women also.”

The allegations against Raj have not been proven in court. Raj has denied wrongdoing, and the matter remains subject to ongoing legal and immigration processes in India and New Zealand.

Disclaimer: *Names have been changed to protect the identity of the persons involved.

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The orders, signed on 6 August, come just weeks after the US Supreme Court rejected Trump’s earlier attempt to broadly deny citizenship to children born in the United States to undocumented immigrants and certain temporary visa holders.

The latest directives take a narrower approach. One seeks to identify additional categories of children whom the administration argues are not entitled to birthright citizenship under historical exceptions to the 14th Amendment.

The second order directs the US State Department and Department of Homeland Security to take action against “birth tourism” — the practice of foreign nationals travelling to the United States on non-immigrant visas with the intention of giving birth so their children acquire US citizenship.

Trump has made ending birthright citizenship a major component of his immigration agenda. Speaking after signing the orders, he criticised the Supreme Court’s recent decision, calling it “very unfair” and saying his administration was making adjustments.

The White House said the new measures are intended to protect the “meaning and value” of American citizenship and prevent foreign nationals from exploiting US immigration laws.

Under the birth-tourism order, federal agencies have been directed to develop measures that could include denying visas or entry to people believed to be travelling to the US for the purpose of giving birth. The order also allows for visa revocation and other action against individuals or organisations involved in facilitating such schemes.

The administration argues that birth tourism undermines the integrity of the immigration system by allowing temporary visitors to obtain long-term immigration benefits through their children.

However, the scale of the practice is disputed. Estimates cited by the Migration Policy Institute have put birth tourism at between 22,000 and 26,000 births a year, while government data recorded about 9,600 births in 2024 to mothers with foreign addresses — a small fraction of births in the United States.

The new orders are also likely to face legal challenges.

Trump’s earlier attempt to restrict birthright citizenship was blocked after the Supreme Court ruled in June that the Constitution protects citizenship for nearly everyone born on US soil. The new orders appear designed to test the boundaries of that ruling by relying on historical exceptions and narrower categories of people.

Civil liberties groups have already criticised the latest move. The American Civil Liberties Union said the Constitution guarantees birthright citizenship and argued that another executive order cannot change its meaning.

The White House, however, maintains that the Supreme Court recognised historical exceptions to birthright citizenship and that the administration is entitled to enforce those limitations.

The legal battle could therefore shift from Trump’s original broad attempt to end birthright citizenship towards a narrower dispute over which categories of children fall outside the constitutional guarantee.

For immigrant families and foreign nationals, the outcome could have significant implications, particularly for those travelling to the United States on temporary visas and for families with complex immigration circumstances.

The orders mark the latest escalation in Trump’s broader effort to reshape the US immigration system and redefine who qualifies for the rights and privileges associated with American citizenship.

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To understand the desperation behind this pact, you need to understand a little Islamic history. For centuries, the Ottoman Empire controlled the Hijaz—home to Islam’s two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina. After World War I, the Ottoman territories were dismantled and redrawn by European powers, creating much of today’s Middle East. Modern Turkey embraced secularism, while the House of Saud emerged as custodian of the Hijaz; but the rise of Saudi Arabia and the transformation of secular Turkey into Erdoğan’s increasingly Islamist, neo-Ottoman power project have created two competing centres of influence in the Sunni Muslim world. Erdoğan invokes the Ottoman legacy and Turkish influence, while MBS seeks to position Saudi Arabia as the modern centre of the Muslim world. Pakistan’s desperation to join this pact is understandable after its stunning military defeat against India—but the real story is the desperation of two historic rivals, Riyadh and Ankara, putting old competition aside and joining hands.

So why the sudden embrace? The honest answer is that this isn’t a marriage of shared vision — it’s three parties, each in genuine trouble, pooling their weaknesses and calling it strength. Tehran, for its part, wasted no time saying as much. Iranian MP Ebrahim Rezaei, a member of its parliament’s national security and foreign policy committee, wrote on X that “Saudis must know that a paper agreement with Türkiye and Pakistan will not bring them security, just as years of one-sided nursing to the Americans did not bring them security,” adding that Riyadh should “reform your policies so that you do not need to beg for security from others.” Coming from the country these three governments have implicitly organised against, the jibe lands with unusual precision.

A Pattern of Contempt and Failure

Strip away the ceremony and the underlying relationship looks less like partnership and more like a patron humiliating its client while still finding it useful. Saudi Arabia deported roughly 24,000 Pakistanis rounded up as beggars through 2025, on top of a formal warning to Islamabad, even as the two governments prepared to call each other strategic allies. That is the real texture beneath the pageantry: Pakistan as a source of cheap labour and expendable manpower, not an equal.

Pakistan’s attempt to buy relevance by mediating between Washington and Tehran collapsed just as predictably. Any serious observer could have told you Islamabad had neither the leverage over Iran nor the standing with Washington to broker anything durable — it had no cards, only geographical proximity and an eagerness to be useful to Donald Trump. Islamabad nonetheless plastered its own capital with posters celebrating a ceasefire it claimed credit for, only to watch the truce unravel within weeks as the wider Iran war reignited. It ended up looking exactly like what common sense predicted: a messenger running errands for a bigger power, mistaking the errand for a diplomatic triumph, and exposing to the whole region how little actual weight it carries.

The pact itself has already failed its two real tests, despite a Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement Riyadh and Islamabad signed as recently as September 2025. When a militant ambush killed twenty Pakistani soldiers in October 2025 and Islamabad struck back at targets inside Afghanistan, plunging into open conflict with the Taliban government in Kabul, Saudi Arabia offered mediation and nothing more — no material or military backing for its supposed ally. Then the reverse happened: as Iran rained missiles and drones on Saudi territory during the escalating regional war in 2026, Pakistan’s contribution was its foreign minister publicly reminding Tehran that a defence agreement existed. Not troops. Not aircraft. A phone call citing a clause. Whatever this arrangement is, it isn’t collective security in any meaningful sense. A pact signed with fanfare produced, in both directions, nothing more than words when it actually mattered.

The Muscle That Isn’t There

Look closely at who’s supposed to supply the actual defence in this new triangle, and the logic collapses further. In May 2025, after a terror attack in Pahalgam, India launched Operation Sindoor, striking nine terrorist camps deep inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir in a matter of minutes.

When Pakistan attempted retaliation, India escalated further, hitting a string of Pakistani military air bases with near-total impunity. Within days, it was Pakistan’s own military that picked up the hotline to plead for a ceasefire.

A country that had to implore for a ceasefire after its air defences were exposed and its bases struck at will is not in a position to guarantee anyone else’s security.

The economics tell the same story. Pakistan has spent the past two years inside an IMF bailout programme just to keep its economy from collapsing outright, and even that has needed constant Gulf life support. In 2026, with a $3.5 billion loan repayment to the UAE coming due and its foreign reserves under severe strain, Islamabad had to turn around and ask Saudi Arabia for fresh money — Riyadh deposited $3 billion directly into Pakistan’s central bank, money that went straight back out the door to settle what Islamabad owed Abu Dhabi. One has to wonder what does a state that has to borrow from one Gulf capital to settle its debt to another Gulf capital bring to the table if not hired foot soldiers. Add to that a resurgent militant insurgency along the Afghan border, the eight decades old freedom movement in Pakistan-occupied Balochistan intensifying, growing unrest in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir over sheer economic neglect, and the picture is of a state fighting for its own survival on three fronts internally. Whatever value Pakistan brings to this pact, it clearly isn’t credible defence — at best it is bodies and a nuclear flag that can be pointed at, at most the Houthis, nothing more.

That, ultimately, appears to be the real backdrop to Saudi Arabia’s sudden warmth toward old rival Turkey and a de facto failed state like Pakistan. Its oldest Gulf partnership is fraying — Riyadh and Abu Dhabi have gone from wartime allies in Yemen to open rivals, clashing directly over rival factions in Aden and the country’s east, which explains why the Kingdom may be attempting to hedge with whoever it can, rather than trusting a Gulf Cooperation Council that can no longer agree with itself.

Saudi Arabia in fact had made a request to Pakistan in 2015, asking for fighter jets, naval ships and ground troops for its Yemen war, but Nawaz Sharif’s government then wisely declined, mindful of Pakistan’s sectarian sensitivities and sizeable Shia population. However, a decade later, Pakistan’s economic and strategic desperation has changed the calculus, enabling Riyadh to use Pakistan’s military as a source of manpower for conflicts it may prefer not to fight directly.

Meanwhile Washington’s security umbrella looks thinner than it has in decades: Iran put missiles into Al Udeid air base in Qatar, the largest American air base in the region, in June 2026, and saturated Saudi, Emirati, and other Gulf skies with drones and missiles for weeks without a conclusive American answer — a visible marker of receding US deterrence that is pushing Gulf states into a chaotic security situation.

And Turkey arrives at this table not as a rising power but a desperate one: the Turkish lira has suffered a spectacular collapse against the dollar over the past seven years leaving Erdoğan’s Ottoman ambitions dependent on Gulf money he cannot raise at home.

Pakistan’s desperation to be part of such a pact is understandable after the bludgeoning it received from India and the unravelling of its nuclear bluff—but the pact offers no reassurance: Turkey is unlikely to materially alter the stark military asymmetry with India which is among the world’s most powerful militaries while Saudi Arabia is unlikely to shoot itself in the foot by jeopardising a strategically and economically important relationship with New Delhi for the sake of Islamabad. India is Saudi Arabia’s second-largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching US$41.88 billion in FY2024–25—while Pakistan’s entire annual goods exports are only around US$32 billion so you can do the maths.

Put together, this isn’t a Sunni bloc, a civilizational alliance, or a rising axis of power. It’s three governments, each cornered by a different crisis — a fraying Gulf order, a collapsing currency, a state fighting itself on three fronts — signing a document that had already failed its first real tests before the ink was dry, and one that Tehran itself is happy to dismiss as paper.

Strip away the religious and civilizational language, and what’s left is transactional to the point of bluntness. Turkey needs money it cannot print its way out of needing. Saudi Arabia needs hired soldiers and diplomatic cover as its own Gulf order fractures and Washington’s guarantee looks shakier by the month. And Pakistan, staring at an existential crisis on three internal fronts and a treasury that survives on borrowed cash, has effectively put its military up for hire. That’s not an alliance. It’s a desperate transaction dressed up as one.

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The posters, part of artist Peter Drew’s long-running Aussie series, feature archival images of non-white Australians from the era of the White Australia Policy and are intended to challenge narrow ideas about who can be considered Australian.

The National Museum of Australia has previously described the series as using archival portraits of people who sought exemptions from the dictation test that applied to non-British migrants entering Australia, while the National Gallery of Victoria says Drew’s work is designed to draw attention to historical and contemporary xenophobia and racism.

Among the people depicted in the series are Indian, Chinese and other non-European Australians who lived in Australia during a period when immigration law was explicitly designed to restrict non-white migration.

One of the posters features Bella Singh, an Indian man whose archival record is held by the National Archives of Australia. Drew’s official site identifies Singh as one of the subjects in the latest Aussie poster series.

The Brisbane posters were altered late last week, with labels including “Indian”, “Chinese” and “not” placed over the word “Aussie”.

The intervention was promoted online by two right-wing activists who described their actions as an attempt to push back against multicultural messaging and said they had “fixed” the posters.

Ms Coffey, the federal Labor member for Griffith, later went to the site and helped remove the added material from the posters.

In a social media post, she thanked members of the public who stopped to assist.

“Thank you to Jacob and Scott for stopping to help and bringing a decent ladder and paint scraper!” she wrote.

“Thanks also to all the people who shouted ‘thank you’ from their cars.”

The action placed Ms Coffey directly in the middle of a broader debate about multiculturalism, national identity and the political use of street art.

Ms Coffey has a longstanding background in anti-racism and reconciliation work. Her official Labor biography says she established Young Australians for Anti Racism and Reconciliation while still at high school, later led Reconciliation SA and worked for more than 13 years with the Australian Indigenous Education Foundation.

She was elected as the federal member for Griffith in 2025 and currently represents the inner-south Brisbane electorate in the House of Representatives.

Drew’s Aussie project began in 2016 and has since become one of Australia’s most recognisable street-art campaigns.

The posters generally feature large archival portraits accompanied by the single word “AUSSIE”, deliberately placing people from culturally diverse backgrounds within the visual language of Australian identity.

Drew told the ABC earlier this year that he had revived the project a decade after it first began, saying its purpose remained to challenge assumptions about who belongs in Australia.

The National Museum of Australia has previously exhibited the series, explaining that many of the people depicted had been born in Australia or had lived in the country for years but were still required to obtain exemptions from the dictation test before travelling overseas, because they risked being denied re-entry under the immigration rules of the time.

The dictation test was one of the central mechanisms of the Immigration Restriction Act 1901 and was used as part of the broader White Australia Policy.

Under the system, non-European residents could face barriers to re-entering Australia. These barriers persist even after they have lived and worked there for years.

The historical context is central to Drew’s work.

The posters do not portray migration as a recent phenomenon. Instead, they highlight Indian, Chinese, and other non-European communities in Australia during the early decades of Federation.

Drew says the project was prompted in part by anti-immigration and anti-Muslim sentiment. It aimed to encourage Australians to reconsider assumptions about race and national identity.

The NGV says the work has appeared on walls across Adelaide, Melbourne, Brisbane and regional towns, with the series using historical portraits to confront both past and present racism.

The vandalism in Brisbane has also reignited debate over whether altering political street art should itself be considered political expression.

The activists responsible have presented their actions as satire and political commentary against multiculturalism, rather than racism.

However, critics have viewed the intervention very differently, arguing that replacing the word “Aussie” with ethnic labels sends the message that people of Indian or Chinese heritage cannot fully belong to Australia.

That tension is at the heart of the latest dispute.

For supporters of Drew’s work, the posters make a simple point: Australian identity has never been exclusively white or Anglo-Celtic.

For opponents, the campaign has become a symbol of what they regard as an ideological approach to multiculturalism and Australian history.

Ms Coffey’s decision to personally help restore the posters was therefore more than a clean-up exercise.

It was also a public statement about who she believes belongs within the Australian story.

Her intervention comes at a time when debates over immigration, multiculturalism and national identity have become increasingly prominent in Australian politics.

Drew himself has faced repeated attempts to remove or alter his work.

Last year he attended anti-immigration rallies with new versions of the Aussie posters after previous works had been torn down, saying he intended to keep using the project to challenge nationalist and exclusionary ideas about Australian identity.

In Brisbane, however, the response from passing motorists appeared to be immediate.

According to Ms Coffey, people driving past called out their thanks as she and others removed the material that had been pasted over the posters.

For the Griffith MP, the episode provided a visible demonstration of a position she has advocated since before entering federal politics — that race or ancestry should not determine whether someone is considered Australian.

The restored posters now again carry the message with which Drew intended them to confront passers-by: Aussie.

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Investigators have been told the Ferntree Gully man was walking along the Blind Creek Trail between Bond Street and Lewis Road about 1.30 pm on Monday, 6 July when he called out to a teenager riding an electric scooter who he believed was travelling too fast.

Police allege the teenager then verbally abused the man before striking him multiple times to the face and head.

The force of the alleged attack caused the 82-year-old to fall to the ground.

Investigators have been told the alleged offender stood beside the victim while he was on the ground and struck him again after he managed to get back to his feet.

The man fell for a second time.

Police said the alleged offender then took photographs of the victim while he was lying on the ground.

Witnesses are understood to have helped the injured man as the teenager left the area on an orange and black electric scooter.

A short time later, police allege the same teenager again attacked the 82-year-old, this time striking him from behind on Rankin Road.

The victim was taken to hospital with non-life-threatening injuries.

He suffered significant bruising and lacerations to his face as well as bleeding.

Investigators have now released images of a male they believe may be able to assist with their enquiries.

He is described as being aged between 16 and 18, with a skinny build and blond-coloured hair.

Police said he was wearing dark-coloured clothing and a motorcycle helmet at the time of the incident.

Anyone who witnessed the alleged assault, has CCTV or dashcam footage, or has other information that could assist investigators is urged to contact Crime Stoppers on 1800 333 000 or make a confidential report online.

Police investigations remain ongoing.

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The post Police looking for teenage e-scooter rider for allegedly assaulting 82-year-old man twice after confronting him first appeared on The Australia Today.

Department of Home Affairs figures reported on Monday show 298 people were participating in national countering violent extremism interventions as of June 30. This is up from 253 at the end of December 2025, an almost 18 per cent rise in six months.

The figures highlight a broader shift warned about by Australian intelligence and law-enforcement agencies. Terrorism threats are no longer confined to established extremist organisations or tightly organised cells. People can move from consuming extremist material to contemplating violence with far less warning.

Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke said authorities were seeing both traditional forms of extremist recruitment and a newer pattern of radicalisation that often occurs online and outside established networks.

“It is involving younger people, disproportionately male and often with mixed ideologies, some of which are incoherent with each other,” Mr Burke said.

He said the growing number and complexity of cases was one reason the federal government was establishing a dedicated Counter Terrorism Online Centre.

The government announced in May that it would spend $74 million over two years on the centre, which will be jointly led by ASIO and the Australian Federal Police.

The centre is intended to give specialist intelligence officers and counter-terrorism investigators greater capacity to identify extremists in high-risk online spaces, assess threats and disrupt people attempting to recruit or incite others to violence.

Mr Burke said at the announcement that more young Australians were being radicalised online and that the process could occur extremely quickly.

“The capability we’ve always had to monitor extremists in the meeting room, now extends to the chat room,” he said.

The latest figures show how heavily younger Australians feature among those receiving counter-extremism interventions.

About 30 per cent of the 298 participants were aged 17 or younger. While another 26 per cent were aged between 18 and 24.

That means more than half of all people in the programs were younger than 25.

About 32 per cent were aged between 25 and 44, while 12 per cent were aged 45 or older.

Men and boys accounted for about 92 per cent of participants, compared with about eight per cent who were female.

The ideological picture is also increasingly difficult to categorise.

According to the figures, about 39 per cent of participants were associated with ideologically motivated violent extremism and 34 per cent with religiously motivated violent extremism.

Another 35 per cent were assessed as having mixed, unclear or unstable beliefs, or being motivated by a single-issue grievance.

Those categories can overlap, meaning they should not be read as mutually exclusive proportions of the overall caseload.

The pattern closely reflects warnings issued by ASIO.

When the national terrorism threat level was raised to “probable” in August 2024, ASIO Director-General Mike Burgess warned that radicalisation was accelerating and that younger Australians were increasingly embracing violent extremism.

He said individuals were moving towards violence with little warning and were increasingly being motivated by a combination of personal grievances, religious extremism, nationalist and racist beliefs, conspiracy theories and misinformation circulating online.

The concern has intensified since the Bondi Beach terrorist attack on December 14, 2025.

Fifteen people were killed and dozens more wounded when two gunmen allegedly attacked a Jewish Chanukah event at Bondi Beach.

One of the alleged attackers, 50-year-old Sajid Akram, was shot dead by police at the scene.

His 24-year-old son, Naveed Akram, survived and was subsequently charged by the NSW Joint Counter Terrorism Team.

NSW Police said 15 people died in the attack and 41 people, including four children, were taken to hospital.

The attack triggered the establishment of the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, led by former High Court justice Virginia Bell.

Its terms of reference include examining the circumstances surrounding the Bondi attack, what intelligence and law-enforcement agencies knew about the alleged attackers, whether information was adequately shared, whether agencies had sufficient powers and resources and how Australia can better counter religiously and ideologically motivated extremism.

The commission delivered an interim report in April containing 14 recommendations and has continued examining counter-terrorism resourcing, intelligence processes and the security environment in the lead-up to the attack.

The increase in people entering intervention programs does not mean that all 298 participants are terrorists or are suspected of planning terrorist attacks.

Australia’s countering violent extremism framework includes early intervention and disengagement programs aimed at people considered vulnerable to violent extremist ideology, as well as individuals presenting more developed risks.

The distinction is important because describing every participant as a “would-be terrorist” overstates what inclusion in such a program establishes.

Authorities can intervene before criminal conduct occurs, with the objective of preventing people from progressing towards violence.

Deakin University extremism researcher Dr Josh Roose said a combination of economic and social pressures could make some people more receptive to extremist narratives.

He pointed to cost-of-living pressures, housing affordability, anxiety and a sense of disempowerment, combined with the amount of time people spend in largely unregulated online environments.

“That creates an environment that’s particularly receptive for extremist narratives and for people to be drawn in,” Dr Roose said.

Security officials have also warned that online radicalisation has changed the speed at which threats can develop.

At the launch of the Counter Terrorism Online Centre in May, AFP Commissioner Krissy Barrett said terrorists and extremists were manipulating vulnerable people at increasingly rapid speed.

She said a process that once could take months or years could now, in some cases, happen within days.

Mr Burke said artificial intelligence was likely to make that challenge still harder, potentially allowing extremists to use automated accounts, real-time translation and synthetic voices to interact with young people in gaming environments and encrypted platforms.

The new online centre will include an artificial intelligence capability and will work alongside existing Joint Counter Terrorism Teams rather than replace them.

Mr Burke said 19 of 31 people charged in recent terrorism-related matters had been minors, illustrating the extent to which youth radicalisation had become a national-security concern.

Opposition home affairs spokesman Senator Jonno Duniam described the growth in intervention numbers as deeply concerning.

He said deradicalisation programs had a role but argued they should not substitute for effective border controls, properly resourced security agencies, monitoring of high-risk individuals and stronger government decision-making.

The government maintains its new investment is intended to strengthen, rather than replace, those existing security capabilities.

The $74 million online centre forms part of a broader $80 million package over two years aimed at countering terrorism threats online and preventing violent extremism and youth radicalisation.

It follows a $106.2 million investment announced as part of the federal government’s A Safer Australia — Australia’s Counter-Terrorism and Violent Extremism Strategy 2025.

Security analysts say the central challenge is that Australia is no longer confronting a single dominant extremist ideology.

Religiously motivated violent extremism remains a concern, including threats inspired by Islamic State and al-Qaeda.

Nationalist and racist extremists continue to attract scrutiny, while authorities are also examining anarchist, revolutionary and other ideologically motivated violence.

At the May announcement, ASIO said its expanded online capability would be used against Sunni violent extremists, nationalist and racist violent extremists, anarchist and revolutionary extremists and others advocating politically motivated violence.

That increasingly fragmented threat environment makes detection more difficult because people do not necessarily join an organisation, follow a coherent ideology or display obvious real-world warning signs.

Some may instead move between conspiracy theories, racial hatred, religious extremism, misogyny, anti-government grievances or other forms of anger before settling on violence.

For intelligence agencies, the concern is not simply the size of Australia’s extremist population but the speed with which an individual can move from grievance to mobilisation.

And with more than half of those currently receiving counter-extremism interventions aged under 25, authorities are increasingly treating the online radicalisation of young Australians as one of the country’s most urgent national-security challenges.

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Petition EN10273 is currently open for signatures and has recorded 8,209 signatures, with the petition due to close at 11.59 pm AEST on 2 September 2026.

The campaign follows the increase on 1 July 2026 in the application charge for the Subclass 155 and Subclass 157 Resident Return Visas, commonly known as Resident Return Visas (RRVs).

According to the petition, the fee increased from approximately $490–$495 to $1,475 for most applicants — an increase of about $985, or 201 per cent.

An RRV allows eligible Australian permanent residents to return to Australia as permanent residents after the travel facility attached to their original visa has expired.

The petition argues that permanent residents may need an RRV for reasons including visiting family overseas, caring for ageing parents, responding to family emergencies, medical matters or international employment commitments.

“This new fee is excessive, disproportionate and unfair,” the petition states.

It argues that permanent residents have already undergone extensive immigration assessment and have contributed to Australia through employment, taxation, business, education and community participation.

The petition also questions the basis for the size of the increase, arguing that while many visa application charges rose by about 25 per cent, the RRV charge was subject to a much larger targeted increase.

It calls for the Government to publish the evidence used to determine the new fee, including processing-cost data, financial modelling and expected revenue.

The petition is also seeking an independent review of Subclass 155 and Subclass 157 pricing and greater consultation with permanent residents, migrant communities, community organisations and immigration professionals before future major fee increases are introduced.

It further calls for transitional arrangements for people whose travel plans or need for an RRV arose before the fee increase took effect.

The petition argues that families with several permanent residents can face a combined cost running into thousands of dollars when multiple RRVs are required.

The campaign also highlights the timing of the change, arguing that the regulations were registered on 30 June and commenced the following day, leaving affected permanent residents with little time to prepare.

The Department of Home Affairs has defended the increase, saying additional revenue from visa application charge increases will support migration system reform and other Government priorities.

The department has also said the increased RRV charge reflects the importance of permanent residents retaining their eligibility to travel to and live in Australia.

The Government has pointed to Australian citizenship as an alternative for eligible permanent residents who wish to avoid future re-entry requirements and make an ongoing commitment to Australia.

A separate Change.org campaign with more than 37,500 signatures has also been established opposing the fee increase.

With the parliamentary petition remaining open until September, supporters are now seeking further signatures before the matter is considered through the parliamentary petitions process.

The petition does not itself require the Government to reverse the fee, but a strong level of support could increase political attention on the issue at a time when immigration policy and the treatment of migrant communities remain prominent public and political issues.

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