Their departures remove two of former premier Jacinta Allan’s strongest cabinet supporters and mark a major generational break from the Labor administrations led by Daniel Andrews and Ms Allan.

Mr Carroll confirmed the resignations on Thursday and said Labor MPs would meet on Monday morning to elect new ministers before he announced his reshaped cabinet.

“Over many years of dedicated service, they have brought compassion, determination and a strong sense of purpose to their roles, delivering outcomes that have improved the lives of Victorians and strengthened the communities they represent,” Mr Carroll said.

Ms Shing said she informed the new Premier on Tuesday afternoon, only hours after he replaced Ms Allan, that she would no longer serve in cabinet or seek another parliamentary term.

“It’s always been my view that we are custodians of these roles for the time that we have them, and it’s now time for me to pass these opportunities and obligations on to the next person,” she said.

“I have congratulated and wished Premier Carroll every success.

“He deserves the full support, solidarity and respect of the cabinet, the caucus and our entire labour movement as he takes the government forward and into the all-important contest against the Liberal Party and One Nation in November.”

Ms Shing described her time in public office as the honour of her life and said she had approached her responsibilities as a “labour of love and determination”.

She was elected to the Legislative Council in 2014 and entered the ministry in June 2022. Her portfolios have included equality, water, regional development, housing, the Suburban Rail Loop, Development Victoria and, most recently, health and ambulance services.

Her departure will force Mr Carroll to appoint Victoria’s third health minister in just over three months. Ms Shing took over the politically sensitive health portfolio in April after Mary-Anne Thomas announced her retirement from politics.

The state’s hospital system, ambulance response times, elective surgery backlogs and pressure on the healthcare workforce are expected to remain central issues during the election campaign.

Ms D’Ambrosio’s retirement ends a parliamentary career spanning almost 24 years.

The Mill Park MP was first elected to the Legislative Assembly in November 2002 and entered cabinet in January 2010 under former premier John Brumby.

She has held the energy portfolio continuously since Labor returned to government in 2014, making her Australia’s longest-serving energy minister.

Ms D’Ambrosio became a central architect of Victoria’s renewable energy program, emissions-reduction targets, household solar subsidies and the revival of the publicly owned State Electricity Commission.

“Back in 2014 not a lot of people thought about energy too much,” she said.

“Of course, the decade that followed changed all that. Under Labor, Victoria has led the nation, paving the way for Australia’s transition to renewable energy. Where Victoria has gone, the rest of the country has followed.”

Mr Carroll said Ms D’Ambrosio’s record would be measured through Victoria’s transition towards cleaner energy.

“Lily D’Ambrosio has been at the forefront of Victoria’s response to climate change,” he said.

“Her leadership has made Victoria a national leader in renewable energy, driven ambitious emissions reduction targets and laid the foundations for a cleaner, more sustainable future.”

Ms D’Ambrosio’s current responsibilities include climate action, energy and resources, and the State Electricity Commission.

Her retirement creates an immediate challenge for the Carroll government as it manages the energy transition, electricity prices, transmission infrastructure, renewable energy projects and continuing political debate over the state’s opposition to nuclear power.

The timing of both resignations will inevitably fuel questions about the continuing fallout from Ms Allan’s removal.

Ms Shing and Ms D’Ambrosio were among the former premier’s closest allies and resisted the cross-factional move to install Mr Carroll as leader.

Ms Allan resigned on Tuesday morning after being told she no longer held majority support in the Labor caucus. Mr Carroll was elected leader later that day and sworn in as Victoria’s 50th premier, with Gabrielle Williams becoming deputy premier.

Ms D’Ambrosio publicly backed the new leadership immediately after the caucus meeting, saying Labor had united behind Mr Carroll despite the difficult events surrounding Ms Allan’s departure.

“We’re a united team behind Ben Carroll and Ben Carroll will put up the fight of his life, and we will all be backing him 100 per cent,” she said on Tuesday.

Two days later, both she and Ms Shing announced they would leave politics.

Their decisions give Mr Carroll additional freedom to reward MPs who supported the leadership change and bring new figures into cabinet, but they also underline the scale of disruption inside Labor less than four months before Victorians vote.

The ministers who formed part of the delegation that urged Ms Allan to stand down—including Colin Brooks, Ingrid Stitt, Anthony Carbines, Lizzie Blandthorn and Luba Grigorovitch—are expected to be influential in the new administration.

Ms Williams, a senior figure from Labor’s Left faction who helped lead the push for change, has already been elevated to deputy premier.

Attention will also focus on Attorney-General Sonya Kilkenny, who unexpectedly nominated against Mr Carroll during Tuesday’s tense caucus meeting before withdrawing.

A change in the attorney-general’s portfolio would send another clear signal that Mr Carroll intends to distance his government from the final months of the Allan administration.

The new Premier has already announced a royal commission into alleged corruption, violence and organised crime across Victoria’s construction industry—an inquiry Ms Allan repeatedly refused to establish.

He has also promised a more constructive relationship with business, stronger oversight of public spending and a review of existing commitments connected to the Suburban Rail Loop.

Mr Carroll has stressed that he intends to lead in a different way.

“I am not Daniel Andrews. I am not Jacinta Allan,” he said after taking office, while promising a change in direction centred on integrity, affordability and the concerns being raised by Victorian voters.

However, he has indicated that Labor’s proposed right to work from home will remain before Parliament despite calls from business groups for the legislation to be abandoned.

The future of the Suburban Rail Loop is less certain. Mr Carroll has previously expressed reservations about the project, but any decision to slow, alter or cancel it would involve examining contracts already signed by the government.

A reshuffle provides him with an opportunity to place his own stamp on those policy areas before the campaign formally begins.

It also carries risks.

Moving too aggressively against Ms Allan’s former supporters could deepen factional wounds and create resentment among Labor members still angry about the leadership change. Moving too cautiously could leave voters unconvinced that the new Premier represents the break with the past he has promised.

Mr Carroll is also reportedly seeking to recruit veteran Labor operative Julie Ligeti as his chief of staff.

Ms Ligeti has worked for former state and federal Labor ministers and has experience across the Bracks government and the internal political battles of the Rudd and Gillard years.

Her expected appointment would place an experienced campaign and government strategist in charge of the Premier’s office during the four-month sprint towards the November 28 election.

The resignations of Ms Shing and Ms D’Ambrosio will also require Labor to find replacement candidates for Eastern Victoria Region and Mill Park.

Mill Park has long been considered a secure Labor electorate, while Ms Shing’s upper house position will form part of the broader contest across Eastern Victoria.

Their retirements add to an already substantial turnover within the government following a series of ministerial departures announced earlier this year.

For Labor, the reshuffle will be presented as the creation of a refreshed team under a new leader.

For the opposition, it will provide further evidence of a government undergoing internal collapse after almost 12 years in office.

Liberal Leader Jess Wilson is expected to argue that replacing the premier and rearranging cabinet cannot separate Mr Carroll from decisions made by governments in which he was a senior minister.

Labor will counter that the leadership change has transformed the political contest and given the government a chance to rebuild public trust.

The departures of Ms Shing and Ms D’Ambrosio are the first major personnel changes of that rebuilding effort.

They remove two experienced ministers whose political identities were closely linked to the Allan and Andrews eras, while opening some of the government’s most important portfolios to a new generation.

Mr Carroll has said the transition to his administration will be completed quickly.

Monday’s cabinet announcement will show whether he intends to pursue a limited reshuffle designed to maintain stability—or a more sweeping reconstruction aimed at convincing voters that Victorian Labor has genuinely changed direction.

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The National Award-winning actor will accept the honour at the IFFM Awards Night at Melbourne’s Palais Theatre on August 13, marking his first in-person appearance at the festival.

The award will celebrate Tripathi’s body of work across cinema and streaming, from the feared Sultan Qureshi in Gangs of Wasseypur and crime lord Kaleen Bhaiya in Mirzapur to his performances in Newton, Mimi, Stree, Ludo, Masaan and Main Atal Hoon.

Tripathi said receiving the international recognition was deeply meaningful because his career had been built around stories capable of crossing linguistic, cultural and geographical boundaries.

“To be soon receiving the Artist of Distinction honour at the Indian Film Festival of Melbourne is deeply humbling,” he said.

“As an actor, I have always believed that stories have the extraordinary power to transcend boundaries, connect hearts and bring people closer, irrespective of language or geography.

“To have my journey be recognised on an international platform like IFFM is truly special and incredibly meaningful.”

Tripathi said the award belonged not only to him, but also to the directors, writers, actors, technicians and audiences who had supported his work throughout his career.

“Every milestone in my career has been possible because of the trust and collaboration of filmmakers, writers, directors, fellow actors, technicians and, above all, the audiences who have embraced my work with so much love,” he said.

“This recognition belongs as much to them as it does to me.”

His journey has become one of the Indian film industry’s most widely admired success stories.

Tripathi grew up in a farming family in Bihar before studying at the National School of Drama and moving to Mumbai in 2004. After years of minor appearances in films and television, he gained wider recognition through Anurag Kashyap’s two-part crime drama Gangs of Wasseypur in 2012.

His portrayal of Sultan Qureshi established the qualities that would later define much of his work: controlled dialogue, precise body language and an ability to make even dangerous characters feel recognisably human.

Tripathi reflected on the distance between his beginnings and the international recognition he would receive in Melbourne.

“Coming from a small village in Bihar, I never imagined that the stories I would become a part of would one day travel across the world and be celebrated in this manner,” he said.

His career since Gangs of Wasseypur has moved freely between independent films, mainstream Hindi productions and streaming series.

In Newton, Tripathi played a pragmatic security officer overseeing an election in a conflict-affected region, earning a Special Mention at India’s National Film Awards.

He later won the National Film Award for Best Supporting Actor for his performance in Mimi, in which he played a driver who becomes closely involved in the life of a young woman acting as a surrogate. India’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting announced the award as part of the 69th National Film Awards.

His roles have often resisted simple categories.

In Mirzapur, he transformed Kaleen Bhaiya into a cold but restrained crime boss whose power was conveyed as much through silence as violence.

In the Stree films, he demonstrated his gift for eccentric comedy as Rudra, while projects including Masaan, Bareilly Ki Barfi, Ludo, Kaagaz, Gunjan Saxena: The Kargil Girl and OMG 2 allowed him to move between humour, tenderness, social commentary and drama.

That range has made Tripathi one of the few performers equally recognisable to audiences of independent cinema, major commercial films and streaming television.

IFFM founder and festival director Mitu Bhowmick Lange described him as one of the finest actors of his generation.

“Pankaj Tripathi is one of the finest actors of our generation, an artist whose performances transcend language, geography and culture,” she said.

“His extraordinary ability to bring authenticity, empathy and quiet power to every character has made him one of the most respected voices in Indian cinema today.”

Ms Bhowmick Lange said the award would recognise both his performances and his broader contribution to storytelling.

“It is our absolute privilege to honour Pankaj Tripathi with the Artist of Distinction Award at the Indian Film Festival of Melbourne,” she said.

“This recognition celebrates not only his remarkable body of work but also his immense contribution to storytelling that resonates with audiences across the world.

“His journey from humble beginnings to becoming one of India’s most acclaimed actors is deeply inspiring and reflects the transformative power of cinema.”

Tripathi said attending the Melbourne festival for the first time would make the recognition even more memorable.

“What makes this honour even more special is that I will be attending the festival in person for the very first time,” he said.

“I am looking forward to interacting with audiences in Australia, celebrating the incredible journey of Indian cinema, and sharing this moment with fellow artists from across the industry.”

The awards presentation will take place at the Palais Theatre in St Kilda on August 13, with the event scheduled to begin at 7pm. The annual ceremony brings together actors, directors, filmmakers and industry representatives to recognise achievements in cinema from India and the wider subcontinent.

IFFM 2026 will run from August 13 to 23, featuring film screenings, public conversations, awards, community events and an Independence Day celebration.

The City of Melbourne describes the festival as a major celebration of Indian cinema, bringing films, artists and audiences from across the subcontinent together in Melbourne through screenings, celebrity conversations and public events.

Tripathi’s honour comes as this year’s festival prepares to recognise several major figures from Indian cinema.

Veteran actor Rekha will attend as Guest of Honour, receive the Excellence in Cinema Award and lead the Indian Independence Day flag-hoisting ceremony at Federation Square. A special screening of her 1981 classic Umrao Jaan will also form part of the program.

For Melbourne audiences, Tripathi’s first visit will offer a rare opportunity to hear directly from an actor whose rise has been built without the conventional image of a Hindi film leading man.

His appeal has instead come from performances grounded in observation, restraint and an understanding of ordinary people—whether playing a father, lawyer, gangster, politician, police officer or rural villager.

That quality has helped his characters travel far beyond the regions, languages and social settings in which their stories are based.

“My heartfelt gratitude to the Indian Film Festival of Melbourne for this honour,” Tripathi said.

“It is something I will always cherish.”

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Northern Territory Police said the 54-year-old Member for Solomon was arrested on Thursday morning and remained in custody while investigators continued their inquiries.

“The Northern Territory Police Force has arrested the 54-year-old federal member for Solomon in relation to an alleged assault on the Administrator of the Northern Territory,” police said.

Police allege the incident occurred on Saturday, July 18, at a public event attended by both men. Mr Gosling had not been charged at the time of the police statement.

The alleged incident has been linked in media reports to the Northern Territory Thailand Grand Festival at Civic Park in Darwin.

Photographs from the event reportedly showed Mr Gosling and Mr Connolly participating in official proceedings and seated near one another.

Police began investigating the matter last week before arresting Mr Gosling on Thursday. Senior counsel Marty Aust was reportedly seen entering the Palmerston Watch House and indicated that he would represent the federal MP.

Mr Gosling has previously categorically denied any altercation with the Administrator.

“These are ridiculous allegations that I categorically deny,” he said when the claims first became public.

“I’ve had no dealings with the Administrator since congratulating him following the announcement of his appointment late last year.”

Mr Connolly’s office previously confirmed that an incident during one of his official community engagements had been referred to police, but declined to provide details because of the investigation.

The allegation is particularly serious because it involves a serving federal parliamentarian and the Northern Territory’s vice-regal representative.

Mr Connolly was sworn in as the territory’s 24th Administrator on February 27, 2026.

The Administrator represents the Crown in the Northern Territory and performs a constitutional role broadly comparable to that of a state governor. The office is formally non-political.

Mr Gosling has represented the Darwin and Palmerston-based electorate of Solomon since 2016 and was re-elected in 2019, 2022 and 2025.

He also serves as the federal government’s Special Envoy for Defence, Veterans’ Affairs and Northern Australia.

Before entering Parliament, Mr Gosling served in the Australian Army, including with parachute infantry, commandos and the North-West Mobile Force.

He also worked in Timor-Leste, established the Remote Area Health Corps and served as an adviser to political figures before winning Solomon for Labor.

The arrest does not establish guilt, and Mr Gosling is entitled to the presumption of innocence.

At the time of publication, police had not announced any charge, released further details about the alleged conduct or said when Mr Gosling might be released from custody.

The Australian Labor Party and the offices of Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Mr Gosling and Mr Connolly had not publicly issued detailed responses to the arrest at the time of the initial reports.

The development is likely to place immediate pressure on federal Labor to clarify whether Mr Gosling will retain his special envoy responsibilities while the police investigation continues.

It may also raise questions about his participation in parliamentary and party duties if charges are subsequently laid.

Mr Connolly’s appointment had already attracted political controversy after historical social media posts attributed to him were reported publicly.

Mr Gosling was among Northern Territory Labour figures who had been critical of aspects of the appointment, although that earlier political disagreement does not establish any connection to the alleged incident now under investigation.

Police have not disclosed the nature of the alleged assault, whether any injuries were reported or whether other witnesses have provided statements.

The matter remains a developing police investigation. Further information is expected after detectives complete their interviews and determine whether charges will be laid.

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In a social media post republished after One Nation said the original had disappeared from Meta, the party said schools under a One Nation government would encourage young Australians to love their country rather than apologise for its history.

“Under One Nation, our schools will promote patriotism and encourage young Aussies to love their country, its history and its heritage,” the post said.

“We will not apologise for our history. We are one of the greatest countries on earth, and we will be proud of this.”

The party accused what it called the “woke educational establishment” of denigrating Australian history and promised that “both the Welcome to Country and self-hatred will be expunged from our schools”.

One Nation did not set out how patriotism would be defined, which historical content would be changed or what teaching material it considers to promote “self-hatred”.

It also did not provide evidence explaining why the original Meta post disappeared. There has been no publicly available explanation establishing whether the post was removed by the platform, deleted by an administrator or affected by a technical issue.

The announcement is consistent with One Nation’s existing education platform, which promises a stronger focus on reading, writing, arithmetic, classroom discipline and explicit instruction.

The party says schools should develop critical thinking and deliver a knowledge-rich curriculum, while rejecting what it describes as racial, gender and Western “guilt shaming”.

One Nation has repeatedly campaigned against Welcome to Country and Acknowledgement of Country practices in schools, government departments, Parliament, sporting events and other public institutions.

Senator Hanson has described the practices as divisive and politically driven, arguing Australians should not be made to feel like visitors in their own country.

The party’s broader policy would end taxpayer funding for Welcome to Country and similar ceremonies and promote the Australian flag as the sole national flag displayed by government bodies.

Senator Hanson has also outlined plans to remove Welcome to Country ceremonies from educational institutions as part of a wider agenda she says would promote national unity and a shared Australian identity.

However, Welcome to Country and Acknowledgement of Country are different practices.

A Welcome to Country can only be delivered by Traditional Owners, or Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people authorised by Traditional Owners. It formally welcomes visitors to a particular traditional Country and may include a speech, dance, song or smoking ceremony.

An Acknowledgement of Country can be delivered by anyone and recognises Traditional Owners and their continuing connection to land and community.

Reconciliation Australia says neither practice suggests that other Australians do not belong in the country. It says the purpose is to uphold cultural protocols and recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as the Traditional Owners of particular lands.

In schools, an Acknowledgement of Country delivered by students, teachers or principals is likely to be more common than a formal Welcome to Country, which requires the involvement of an authorised Traditional Owner.

One Nation’s statement referred only to Welcome to Country, leaving unclear whether its proposed removal would also cover acknowledgements, classroom recognition of Country or participation in events involving Traditional Owners.

The party’s promise would also face constitutional and administrative barriers if pursued solely through the federal Parliament.

State and territory governments are responsible for operating and regulating schools, while non-government education authorities manage Catholic and independent systems.

The Commonwealth provides substantial funding and helps establish national priorities, but it does not own schools, employ teachers or directly control their daily operations.

The Australian Curriculum is developed nationally, but state, territory and non-government authorities decide how it is delivered, including implementation timelines, classroom practices and teaching resources.

A federal One Nation government could seek curriculum changes through meetings of education ministers or attach conditions to Commonwealth funding, but it could not simply direct every Australian school to adopt an identical policy without cooperation from the states and territories.

The current Australian Curriculum already includes Australian history, democratic institutions, citizenship, national values and the responsibilities of citizens.

Its Civics and Citizenship program seeks to teach students about Australia’s Constitution, Parliament, elections, courts, laws and democratic system.

The curriculum says students should develop a sense of belonging and civic engagement within Australia as a secular democracy, a culturally diverse and multi-faith society with a Christian heritage and distinct First Nations histories and cultures.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures is one of three cross-curriculum priorities, alongside sustainability and Australia’s engagement with Asia.

The priority is not taught as a separate subject. It is incorporated where relevant into history, English, geography, civics and other learning areas.

ACARA says the content allows First Nations students to see their cultures and identities reflected in education while giving all students an understanding of Australia’s history, including colonisation, native title, cultural continuity and the contributions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

One Nation’s criticism raises a broader debate about whether teaching colonisation, dispossession and historical injustice undermines national pride or gives students a fuller understanding of Australia.

The party argues schools have placed too much emphasis on guilt and division at the expense of the country’s achievements, institutions and freedoms.

Supporters of the existing approach argue that pride in Australia does not require avoiding difficult parts of its history and that students should learn about democratic achievements alongside war, discrimination, dispossession and government failures.

The Australian Curriculum encourages students to examine primary and secondary sources, consider different historical perspectives and develop their own evidence-based conclusions.

The One Nation proposal comes as governments across Australia are already considering how to strengthen civics education and the teaching of national values.

Federal Education Minister Jason Clare has said democracy depends on citizens understanding the Constitution, Parliament, courts, elections and how laws are made.

Education ministers agreed in early 2026 to review parts of the curriculum to strengthen Australian values and help combat antisemitism, with the review involving governments, teachers, curriculum authorities and different school sectors.

The renewed focus follows evidence that Australian students’ understanding of civics has fallen.

In the 2024 National Assessment Program, 43 per cent of Year 6 students reached the proficient standard for Civics and Citizenship, down from 53 per cent in 2019.

Only 28 per cent of Year 10 students reached the standard, compared with 38 per cent five years earlier. The results were the lowest recorded since the assessment began in 2004.

Those results could strengthen One Nation’s argument that schools should devote greater attention to Australian democracy, history and citizenship.

However, they do not establish that teaching First Nations history or holding acknowledgements has caused the fall in civic knowledge.

The assessment focuses on students’ understanding of government, laws, elections, civic participation and democratic institutions rather than measuring patriotism or attitudes towards Welcome to Country.

The federal government has established an online Civics and Citizenship Education Hub with resources about democratic history, government, law, identity, diversity and citizenship.

It also supports student visits to Parliament House, the Museum of Australian Democracy, the National Electoral Education Centre and the Australian War Memorial.

One Nation’s latest statement therefore enters a policy debate in which there is broad agreement that students need a stronger understanding of Australia, but deep disagreement about what national pride should mean and which parts of history should be emphasised.

The party has framed the issue as a choice between patriotism and an education system it says teaches shame.

The existing curriculum presents a different position: that students can value Australia’s democratic institutions and achievements while also studying colonisation, exclusion and the experiences of First Nations Australians.

What remains missing from One Nation’s announcement is a detailed curriculum proposal.

The party has not identified which lessons would be removed, whether Welcome to Country and Acknowledgement of Country would both be prohibited, how schools would be monitored or whether teachers could still discuss contested interpretations of Australian history.

It has also not explained whether its policy would extend to Catholic and independent schools or how it would secure the cooperation of state and territory governments.

Those details would determine whether the announcement amounts to a practical education reform or a broader political statement aimed at voters concerned about national identity, cultural division and what children are being taught.

For now, One Nation’s message is direct: it wants Australian classrooms to place national pride at the centre of education and remove practices the party believes make students feel ashamed of their country.

The policy is likely to attract support from voters who believe Australian history and democratic achievements have been undervalued.

It will also face strong opposition from First Nations organisations, educators and reconciliation advocates who argue that acknowledging the country’s full history is not an act of national self-hatred, but part of producing informed Australian citizens.

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The inquiry represents the first major policy break between Mr Carroll and former premier Jacinta Allan, who repeatedly rejected calls for a royal commission before resigning amid a revolt by Labor MPs.

Mr Carroll said he had instructed the Department of Premier and Cabinet to begin developing the commission immediately, but its commissioner, budget, reporting deadlines and final terms of reference are yet to be announced.

“I want no stone unturned, whether it is top-tier contractors, subcontractors, labour hire, government, unions,” Mr Carroll said.

He promised terms of reference broad enough to examine conduct across the entire construction system rather than focusing only on the Construction, Forestry and Maritime Employees Union.

Mr Carroll announced the inquiry within hours of becoming Victoria’s 50th premier, declaring that “integrity will not be optional” under his government and that there would be zero tolerance for misconduct in business and the union movement.

The government will also establish a special prosecutor to work alongside the royal commission and bring forward proposed “follow-the-money” powers for the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission.

Those powers are intended to allow IBAC to trace public funds beyond government bodies and into private contractors, subcontractors and labour-hire businesses—areas where the watchdog has previously said its jurisdiction was limited.

Mr Carroll said the IBAC legislation would be introduced during the current parliamentary term rather than waiting until 2027.

A Victorian royal commission is established through letters patent issued by the Governor on the advice of the premier. Those letters define precisely what the commission can investigate.

Under Victoria’s Inquiries Act, a royal commission can compel witnesses to attend, require evidence under oath, demand documents, seek warrants to search premises and restrict the publication of sensitive evidence.

That makes the wording of the terms of reference central to whether the inquiry can examine government ministers, public servants, union officials, major contractors and networks.

Mr Carroll told Parliament the commission would deal with the allegations through “exhaustive terms of reference”, after the opposition questioned his previous responsibilities as the minister responsible for WorkSafe.

The Premier has retained the WorkSafe portfolio while leading the government, allowing the opposition to question what he knew about alleged conduct on constructing Ms Allan.

The royal commission will examine allegations connected with Victoria’s Big Build, a sprawling infrastructure program covering the Metro Tunnel, level-crossing removals, the West Gate Tunnel, the Suburban Rail Loop and scores of other transport and public works projects.

Since 2015, about $109 billion has been committed across more than 180 projects under the program. Several projects have faced major cost increase disputes.

Investigations since 2024 have alleged organised crime figures, outlaw motorcycle gang associates and corrupt operators secured access to construction jobs and contracts, while violence and intimidation were used to influence workplace decisions.

A report prepared by anti-corruption barrister Geoffrey Watson SC alleged there had been both individual corruption by union figures and more organised conduct involving elements of the CFMEU, motorcycle gangs and criminal groups.

Mr Watson also alleged highly paid Big Build positions became so valuable that some jobs were effectively bought through networks.

His report estimated that inflated costs and alleged misconduct may have cost Victorian taxpayers about $15 billion.

Mr Watson has acknowledged the figure is an estimate based partly on accounts that construction costs rose by as much as 30 per cent after the CFMEU expanded its influence over civil infrastructure work.

Ms Allan repeatedly disputed the $15 billion figure, describing it as untested, but her government did not produce an alternative.

Mr Watson welcomed the new government’s announcement, describing the prospect of a royal commission as “music to my ears”.

He said Victoria’s enterprise bargaining system had concentrated power among too few people and left major projects vulnerable to external influence and corruption.

Mr Watson has argued that only an independent inquiry with strong powers can determine how alleged wrongdoing became embedded across parts of the construction industry and why earlier regulatory systems failed to stop it.

Transparency International Australia also welcomed Mr Carroll’s decision but warned that public confidence would depend on whether the inquiry was genuinely independent and sufficiently broad.

Its chief executive, Clancy Moore, said a royal commission with coercive powers was required to uncover what occurred, identify those responsible and recommend structural reforms.

The organisation has been calling for an inquiry since February, arguing that allegations involving organised crime, inflated contracts and public construction projects could not be adequately addressed in reviews.

Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich said the commission was long overdue and described the construction controversy as an unprecedented public scandal.

He warned that any money lost through corruption or inflated construction costs was money unavailable for hospitals, schools and other public services—and would add to the burden carried by future generations of Victorians.

Mr Redlich said the inquiry’s effectiveness would depend heavily on whether its terms of reference allowed it to investigate the origins of the construction system established under former premier Daniel Andrews and continued under Ms Allan.

He argued that both former premiers should be available to give evidence if the commission determines their decisions are relevant.

Ms Allan was the minister responsible for major transport infrastructure for much of the Big Build’s expansion before becoming premier in September 2023.

She maintained that allegations of extortion, corruption and criminal conduct should be investigated by Victoria Police, IBAC and workplace regulators rather than through another royal commission.

Her government pointed to Victoria Police’s Taskforce Hawk, which had laid 93 charges by late June, and the cancellation of 164 labour-hire licences as evidence being taken.

Ms Allan also argued previous royal commissions into trade unions had failed to eliminate misconduct and risked being used to attack workers and reduce pay and conditions.

However, pressure for a broader inquiry grew inside Labor as further allegations emerged and opinion polls suggested the scandal was damaging the government’s chances at the November election.

The issue became one of the central factors in the leadership revolt that led to Ms Allan’s departure.

Mr Carroll has sought to make a clear distinction between his government and the administrations led by Ms Allan and Mr Andrews.

He said in his first statement as Premier, promising a different approach to integrity, public spending, and the businesses,

“I am not Daniel Andrews; I am not Jacinta Allan”

The royal commission is therefore both an integrity measure and an attempt to reset Labor politically with only four months remaining before the state election.

William Partlett, an associate professor of law and fellow at the Centre for Public Integrity, said establishing the inquiry could help Labor by signalling that the new Premier accepted something had gone wrong and was prepared to investigate it publicly.

However, he warned the commission should examine the entire construction sector without becoming a political exercise designed simply to demonise unions.

Professor Partlett said the inquiry should include private companies, unions, public institutions and government officials, and shouldn as possible. citeturn670088view2

Opposition Leader Jess Wilson has dismissed the announcement as potentially being a “fake royal commission”, accusing Labor of attempting to control the investigation before the election.

The Coalition released its own proposed terms of reference earlier this year, promising to investigate alleged links between CFMEU misconduct and organised crime, the cost to taxpayers and the responsibility of the Labor government.

Ms Wilson said Mr Carroll must establish the commission before the November election and ensure former and current Labor ministers can be called to give evidence.

She has specifically called for Ms Allan to appear, arguing the former premier was responsible for the infrastructure system allegations.

The government has rejected suggestions it intends to shield Labor figures, with Mr Carroll insisting no individual, company, union or government body will be excluded if relevant to the inquiry.

But major questions remain unanswered.

The government has not announced who will lead the commission, when public hearings will begin, how far back it will investigate, whether it will examine political donations or what protections will be offered to witnesses who fear retaliation.

It is also unclear how the proposed special prosecutor will operate alongside Victoria Police, IBAC, the union administrator and the royal commission without prejudicing existing criminal investigations.

The commission will need to manage the risk that public evidence could affect prosecutions or expose witnesses to intimidation, particularly given allegations of violence and threats within the industry.

Its terms may also need to address workplace safety, enterprise bargaining agreements, labour-hire licensing, government procurement, subcontracting arrangements and the flow of public money through multiple corporate entities.

Mr Carroll’s promise of an exhaustive inquiry has won initial support from integrity experts who spent months urging his predecessor to act.

Whether the commission meets that promise will depend on the letters patent, the person appointed to lead it and the willingness of the government to allow scrutiny of decisions made at the highest levels of Victorian Labor.

For the new Premier, the stakes extend beyond identifying wrongdoing.

The inquiry will test his claim that Victoria has entered a new political chapter—and whether Labor is prepared to investigate the construction system it created, funded and defended for more than a decade.

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The veteran actor will attend IFFM 2026 as Guest of Honour and lead the annual flag-raising ceremony at Federation Square on Saturday, August 15.

The free public celebration is scheduled from 10 am to midday and will include cultural performances and other community activities marking India’s Independence Day.

Rekha will also be presented with the Excellence in Cinema Award, recognising a screen career spanning more than five decades and performances that have made her one of Indian cinema’s most enduring stars.

The festival will pay a further tribute to her career with a special screening of Muzaffar Ali’s 1981 classic Umrao Jaan, regarded as one of the defining films of her career.

“Umrao Jaan has never left me. She lives in my memories, in my silences, and in the hearts of those who have embraced her with a lot of love over the years,” Rekha said.

“To revisit that journey and see the film being celebrated on a global stage is both humbling and moving.”

Rekha played Amiran, a young girl abducted and taken to Lucknow, where she is renamed Umrao Jaan and trained in poetry, music and dance before becoming a celebrated courtesan and poet.

Set against the cultural and political landscape of 19th-century Awadh, the film is remembered for its Urdu poetry, classical dance, Khayyam’s music and Rekha’s restrained portrayal of love, displacement and loss.

Her performance earned her the National Film Award for Best Actress. The official awards citation recognised her portrayal in Umrao Jaan, which remains closely associated with her artistic legacy 45 years after its release.

The film has also found a new international audience following its restoration in 4K by the National Film Development Corporation and the National Film Archive of India under India’s film preservation program.

Rekha said the Melbourne recognition represented not only her individual career but also the work of the many artists who contributed to her films.

“Cinema has been my life’s greatest blessing, and to be honoured with the Excellence in Cinema Award at IFFM 2026 is special,” she said.

“I accept this honour with immense gratitude, not only as a recognition of my own journey, but also as a tribute to the filmmakers, writers, musicians and countless collaborators who have enriched my life and shaped my work.”

Rekha’s career has included acclaimed performances across romantic drama, comedy, period cinema and revenge thrillers.

Her best-known films include Khubsoorat, Silsila, Ghar, Ijaazat, Khoon Bhari Maang, Khiladiyon Ka Khiladi and Koi… Mil Gaya, but Umrao Jaan remains the performance most frequently cited as the peak of her dramatic work.

IFFM founder and festival director Mitu Bhowmick Lange said Rekha’s influence extended beyond her filmography and had become part of India’s cultural consciousness.

“There are very few artists whose presence transcends cinema and becomes part of a nation’s cultural consciousness. Rekha ji is one such timeless icon,” she said.

“Her extraordinary body of work, her grace, and the unparalleled legacy she has built over decades have inspired audiences not only in India but across the world.”

Ms Bhowmick Lange said having Rekha lead the Independence Day ceremony would be a proud occasion for Indian Australians.

“Having Rekha ji hoist the Indian national flag on India’s Independence Day is a moment of immense pride for all of us,” she said.

“Our annual flag-hoisting ceremony has become one of the most meaningful traditions of the festival, bringing together the Indian community in Australia to celebrate our shared heritage and values.”

The flag-raising event has become one of IFFM’s largest community gatherings, bringing film stars, families, dignitaries and members of Australia’s Indian diaspora together in central Melbourne.

Previous editions have featured major Indian screen figures leading the ceremony, with Rekha now set to add her name to that tradition.

IFFM 2026 will run from August 13 to 23 and feature screenings, celebrity conversations, public events, awards and programs celebrating cinema from India and the wider subcontinent.

The festival describes itself as a platform connecting Indian filmmakers and performers with Australian audiences while highlighting the international reach of Indian storytelling.

For this year’s festival, Rekha’s visit will bring together three strands of that mission: recognition of an artist whose career has crossed generations, the international celebration of a restored Indian classic, and a public Independence Day event for Melbourne’s growing Indian community.

The special screening will allow Australian audiences to revisit Umrao Jaan on the big screen, while the Excellence in Cinema Award will recognise a career that has remained influential long after Rekha reduced her appearances in new films.

For Rekha, however, the Melbourne tribute appears to be as much about the character she played as the award she will receive.

More than four decades after its release, she said Umrao Jaan continues to live within her—and within the audiences who have carried the film across generations.

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The Western Metropolitan Region MP announced on Tuesday that she would continue serving in Parliament as an independent, bringing another turbulent chapter in her relationship with the Victorian Liberal Party to an end.

“My focus has always been, and will continue to be, on representing the needs and concerns of everyday Australians,” Mrs Deeming said in a statement posted online.

She said she had entered Parliament to fight for freedom, fair laws and families, while continuing to campaign against corruption, government debt and crime.

“To save our state from endemic corruption, crushing debt, and the rising crime crisis, Labor has got to go,” she said.

“I remain fully committed to seeing that through.”

Opposition Leader Jess Wilson confirmed she had received Mrs Deeming’s resignation from the parliamentary Liberal Party, describing the decision as an “absolute surprise”.

“This morning I received the resignation from the Parliamentary Liberal Party from Moira Deeming,” Ms Wilson said.

The distinction between the parliamentary party and the broader Liberal Party organisation remains important. Mrs Deeming’s statement confirmed that she had left the Liberal parliamentary team, but did not clarify whether she had also resigned her ordinary membership of the Victorian Liberal Party.

Her departure means she will no longer attend Liberal party-room meetings or be bound by its collective decisions. She is expected to serve on the Legislative Council crossbench for the remainder of her term.

Mrs Deeming has not announced whether she intends to contest the November 28 election as an independent or seek endorsement from another political party.

Her resignation follows the Victorian Liberal state executive’s unanimous decision on July 17 to remove her as the party’s number one candidate for Western Metropolitan Region.

The meeting reportedly lasted just 13 minutes. The party said at the time that it considered the matter concluded and wanted to focus on presenting its election plan to Victorians.

Mrs Deeming remained a member of the parliamentary Liberal team immediately after losing her endorsement, but the decision meant she would not appear on the party’s ticket at the election.

The Liberals subsequently reopened applications to fill the prized number-one position, which is considered highly likely to secure election in the five-member upper-house region.

The dispute that led to Mrs Deeming’s disendorsement began after an interaction with former Liberal leader Matthew Guy at a community function in Melbourne’s west in May.

Mrs Deeming complained to Victoria Police that Mr Guy had grabbed and pulled her during the interaction. Police reviewed CCTV footage and concluded that no offence had been detected.

Mr Guy rejected the allegation and demanded a public apology. Ms Wilson supported his call, saying an apology was reasonable.

Mrs Deeming later acknowledged that “headlock” was not the correct technical description of the interaction, but maintained that the contact had been unexpected, painful and distressing. She refused to apologise for making a complaint she said had been submitted honestly and in good faith.

She argued that disendorsing her for using an internal complaint process would establish a dangerous precedent and discourage members from reporting workplace concerns.

In a detailed submission to the Liberal state executive, Mrs Deeming proposed mediation and a joint statement recognising that Mr Guy had intended his actions as a friendly gesture in a crowded and noisy environment.

However, the party’s leadership and state executive remained unmoved.

Mrs Deeming briefly sought a Supreme Court injunction to prevent the state executive from meeting to remove her endorsement. She later withdrew that legal action, saying the injunction had given her time to recover, review the evidence and present her case.

Her resignation ends an extraordinary period of internal conflict that has followed her through most of her first term in Parliament.

Mrs Deeming, a former teacher and Melton councillor, was elected to represent Western Metropolitan Region in November 2022.

She became the centre of a major Liberal Party dispute in March 2023 after attending the Let Women Speak rally outside Parliament House, which was gatecrashed by a group of neo-Nazis.

Then-opposition leader John Pesutto moved against Mrs Deeming following the rally. She was initially suspended and later expelled from the parliamentary party after threatening legal action over statements she alleged linked her to neo-Nazis.

Mrs Deeming successfully sued Mr Pesutto for defamation. The Federal Court found he had defamed her, and he was subsequently ordered to pay more than $2.3 million towards her legal costs. She was restored to the Liberal party room in December 2024.

The judgment and the financial consequences for Mr Pesutto contributed to the internal pressure that ultimately resulted in his removal as Liberal leader.

Mrs Deeming’s preselection for the 2026 election then became the subject of another bitter internal contest.

In March, businessman and community figure Dinesh Gourisetty defeated her for the number one position on the Western Metropolitan ticket. Mr Gourisetty withdrew the following day after it emerged that he had provided a character reference for a man subsequently convicted of child sexual offences.

The party reopened the process, and Mrs Deeming eventually regained the lead position before the dispute involving Mr Guy placed her political future in doubt again.

Her disendorsement forced the Liberals to reopen applications once more, with several candidates seeking the position as the party attempts to settle its upper house ticket before the election.

The latest resignation will allow Ms Wilson to argue that the parliamentary dispute has finally ended, but it also creates a potentially difficult independent competitor in Melbourne’s west.

Standing as an independent would be considerably more difficult than contesting from the top of a major party ticket, but her name recognition and national profile could affect Liberal preferences and the distribution of upper house votes.

Her move also reduces the size of the parliamentary Liberal team and gives the crossbench another vote during the final months of the parliamentary term.

The Liberal Party enters the election seeking to win government after almost 12 years in opposition. Ms Wilson has attempted to focus her campaign on debt, taxation, crime and allegations of corruption linked to Labor’s Big Build.

Whether she formally directs her supporters towards the Liberals, runs against the party or withdraws from the election remains unknown.

The resignation completes a striking reversal from comments Mrs Deeming made after her expulsion from the parliamentary party in 2023, when she said she would never voluntarily leave the Liberal Party.

Three years later, following a successful defamation case, two preselection battles and another public confrontation with the party leadership, she has chosen to sit as an independent.

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Carroll, 51, secured the support of the Labour caucus on Tuesday, completing a leadership transition following Allan’s resignation after losing the confidence of a majority of her parliamentary colleagues. He is expected to be sworn in as premier by the Governor later today.

His elevation marks the culmination of a political career that has taken him from working part-time at Kmart while studying law to becoming one of Victoria’s most experienced cabinet ministers.

A suburban upbringing that shaped his politics

Born and raised in Melbourne’s north-west, Carroll often credits his parents and their small electrical contracting business for shaping his outlook.

His parents established GBK Electrics in Airport West during the 1970s while raising their family, an experience he has frequently cited as teaching him the value of hard work, small business and community.

Before entering politics, Carroll studied law at La Trobe University while working for eight years at Kmart Airport West.

During that period he joined the Shop, Distributive and Allied Employees’ Association (SDA), an experience he says introduced him to the labour movement and public service.

Apprenticeship under Bracks and Brumby

Carroll’s political career began behind the scenes as an adviser to former Victorian premiers Steve Bracks and John Brumby, before later working for senior federal Labor figures including Bill Shorten and Stephen Conroy.

Political observers say those experiences have shaped a leadership style that is likely to be more consultative than that of former premier Daniel Andrews.

Author and political commentator Joel Deane has described Carroll as a pragmatic progressive whose approach more closely resembles the Bracks-Brumby era than the Andrews-Allan governments.

Rising through Labor’s ranks

Carroll entered Parliament in 2012 after winning the by-election for the safe Labor seat of Niddrie, succeeding former deputy premier Rob Hulls.

Since Labor returned to government in 2014, he has held more than a dozen ministerial portfolios, including Industry, Public Transport, Roads, WorkSafe, the TAC, Medical Research and, most recently, Education.

Following Daniel Andrews’ resignation in 2023, Carroll unsuccessfully sought the party leadership before ultimately securing the deputy leadership under Jacinta Allan, positioning himself as Labor’s heir apparent.

Challenges as Education Minister

Carroll’s tenure as Education Minister has been marked by both achievements and setbacks.

His period in the portfolio included reforms such as mandatory phonics instruction and improved NAPLAN outcomes, but also significant challenges including the accidental early release of Year 12 examination results and prolonged industrial disputes that resulted in statewide teacher strikes.

Immediate priorities

Carroll now inherits a government entering its twelfth year in office and facing a difficult election campaign.

Labor has been battling declining polling, concerns over community safety, housing affordability, cost-of-living pressures and scrutiny over major infrastructure projects.

Even before becoming leader, Carroll had signalled the themes he intended to focus on.

“We know, as a 12-year-old government, we have to be the insurgent,” he said earlier this year.

“Focus on the fundamentals: community safety, growing the economy, being a state that’s open for business.”

A new chapter for Victorian Labor

Carroll becomes Victoria’s 50th premier at one of the most challenging moments for Labor since it returned to office in 2014.

His first major test will come almost immediately, as he reshapes the ministry, reunites a caucus bruised by the leadership change and prepares to face Opposition Leader Jess Wilson at the November state election.

Political analysts say Carroll’s extensive ministerial experience and broad support within Labor give him a strong platform, but after more than a decade in government he will need to persuade voters that his leadership represents renewal rather than continuity.

Whether his suburban roots, consultative leadership style and focus on economic management can deliver Labor a fourth consecutive term will become one of the defining questions of Victoria’s election campaign.

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Ms Allan announced her decision at a 9.30 am media conference on Tuesday, shortly before Labor MPs gathered for a caucus meeting at which she was expected to face a leadership spill backed by Deputy Premier Ben Carroll.

“After speaking with my colleagues overnight, I have made the difficult decision to step aside as leader of the Victorian State Parliamentary Labor Party, and as Premier of Victoria,” she said.

Her departure came less than 24 hours after she declared she would contest any leadership ballot and maintained that she still had the support required to remain in office.

Ms Allan said she believed she could have won a contest involving Labor MPs and rank-and-file members, but concluded that a ballot lasting several weeks would consume time and resources the party could not afford with the state election scheduled for November 28.

She said Mr Carroll would receive her “congratulations and unqualified support” should he emerge as Labor’s new leader. Labor’s caucus began the process of choosing her successor immediately after her announcement.

The resignation ended a premiership of less than three years and prevented Ms Allan from leading Labor into an election in her own right.

Her final address was at times emotional and defiant. She defended her government’s record, described herself as a lifelong “team player” and said she was deeply proud of the Metro Tunnel, her cost-of-living policies and reforms to women’s health care.

“I didn’t get everything right but I know I made a difference,” she said before leaving without taking questions from reporters.

Her resignation also completed a remarkable political arc for a woman who once called herself a “goody two-shoes” and was described by colleagues as diligent, dutiful and, at times, even boring.

That reputation for caution and hard work helped Ms Allan survive and advance under three Labor premiers before she eventually inherited the state’s top job from Daniel Andrews.

Born and raised in Bendigo, Ms Allan came from a family steeped in Labor and union politics. Her grandfather, Bill Allan, served as president of the Bendigo Trades Hall Council, while her parents, Peter and Glenda, gave their daughter what she later described as a solid Labor upbringing.

Her father worked as a linesman for the State Electricity Commission and was made redundant when the organisation was privatised during the Kennett government years. Ms Allan frequently cited the uncertainty that followed his job loss as shaping her belief in public services, secure employment and government intervention.

She worked at a Coles checkout during her younger years and later said the experience showed her how quickly working families could find themselves under financial pressure.

Ms Allan attended St Joseph’s Primary School in Quarry Hill and Catholic College Bendigo before completing a Bachelor of Arts with honours at La Trobe University’s Bendigo campus.

She joined the Labor Party at 19 and worked for Labor MPs before seeking public office herself. Her local profile rose in 1997 when she led a campaign opposing the establishment of a lap-dancing venue in Bendigo.

Her preselection for Bendigo East was not initially seen as providing a straightforward path into Parliament. The seat was held by the Liberal Party, and Ms Allan had reportedly planned to travel overseas after the 1999 election.

Instead, she unseated the Liberal incumbent as Jeff Kennett’s government suffered a surprise defeat. Elected on September 18, 1999—the day before her 26th birthday—she became the youngest woman elected to the Victorian Parliament.

In her inaugural speech, Ms Allan wore two brooches representing the causes that would define much of her political identity.

One was a poppet head representing Bendigo’s mining heritage and her commitment to the city. The other was an Emily’s List brooch, symbolising the Labor organisation established by former premier Joan Kirner to support progressive women seeking public office.

Ms Allan told Parliament that politicians should be true representatives of their communities by caring about people, listening to them and speaking on their behalf.

Her rise through Labor’s ranks was rapid.

In December 2002, at 29, then-premier Steve Bracks appointed her minister for education services and minister for employment and youth affairs. She became the youngest minister in Victoria’s history.

Her responsibilities expanded during the Bracks and Brumby governments to include women’s affairs, skills and workforce participation, regional and rural development, and industry and trade.

The portfolios allowed Ms Allan to establish herself as a regional Labor figure with experience across education, employment, training, economic development and women’s policy.

Labor’s defeat in 2010 sent her to the opposition benches, where she served as manager of opposition business and held shadow responsibilities including regional and rural development.

When Labor returned to government under Daniel Andrews in 2014, Ms Allan became Leader of the House and minister for public transport. The appointments placed her at the centre of both parliamentary management and the government’s infrastructure program.

She remained Leader of the House until 2022, earning a reputation as a disciplined parliamentary tactician able to manage legislation and confront the opposition across the chamber.

Infrastructure ultimately became both the foundation of Ms Allan’s reputation and the source of the controversies that followed her into the premiership.

As public transport and later transport infrastructure minister, she became one of the most recognisable faces of the Andrews government’s Big Build.

Her responsibilities covered the Level Crossing Removal Project, the Metro Tunnel, the West Gate Tunnel, Melbourne Airport Rail and the Suburban Rail Loop.

For years, images of Ms Allan wearing a hard hat and high-visibility vest became synonymous with Labor’s argument that it was rebuilding Victoria after years of inadequate infrastructure investment.

Supporters credit her with helping deliver projects that changed how Victorians travel, including the removal of scores of dangerous level crossings, the construction of new stations and the opening of the Metro Tunnel and West Gate Tunnel.

Her local record in Bendigo included the new Bendigo Hospital, rail stations at Goornong, Huntly and Raywood, school upgrades, new ambulance stations and improvements to roads and community infrastructure.

But major projects also carried large cost increases, delays and disputes with contractors.

The West Gate Tunnel encountered contamination and contractual problems, the Airport Rail project was repeatedly delayed and the Suburban Rail Loop became one of the most contested infrastructure proposals in the state’s history.

The Victorian Ombudsman criticised secrecy surrounding the development of the Suburban Rail Loop business case, while opponents argued its growing cost was placing pressure on hospitals, roads and projects in Melbourne’s west.

By the end of Ms Allan’s premiership, Victoria’s debt and infrastructure spending had become central political vulnerabilities for Labor.

In June 2022, Ms Allan was elevated to deputy premier after James Merlino’s retirement.

The decision was unusual because she and Mr Andrews were both members of Labor’s Socialist Left faction. Victorian Labor had traditionally balanced its leadership between the Left and Right, but the strength of the Left after the 2022 election made Ms Allan the clear heir apparent.

She also became minister for Commonwealth Games delivery, taking responsibility for Victoria’s planned regional hosting of the 2026 event.

The government cancelled the Games in July 2023 after projected costs increased sharply. The decision drew international attention and became one of the most damaging episodes of Ms Allan’s ministerial career.

The opposition called for her resignation and argued she had failed to properly oversee preparations. Ms Allan defended the decision as necessary to prevent billions of dollars being spent on a 12-day sporting event instead of housing, health and regional infrastructure.

When Daniel Andrews resigned in September 2023, Ms Allan initially faced a possible leadership contest from Mr Carroll.

The dispute was resolved before a ballot, and Ms Allan was unanimously endorsed by caucus. She was sworn in on September 27 as Victoria’s 49th premier and only the second woman to hold the office after Joan Kirner.

She became emotional while acknowledging Kirner as a mentor and said her elevation showed women from different backgrounds and regions had a place at every leadership table.

Mr Carroll became deputy premier despite the tensions surrounding the succession. The relationship between the two would remain outwardly cooperative until the final months of Ms Allan’s leadership.

Ms Allan entered the premiership promising to focus on housing, the cost of living and negotiations towards a statewide treaty with Victoria’s First Peoples.

Her housing program sought to increase density around train stations and tram corridors, reform planning rules and deliver more homes in established suburbs. She said she wanted to be remembered as the premier who helped millennials enter the housing market.

In January 2025, Victoria became the first Australian jurisdiction to enter formal statewide treaty negotiations with First Peoples, building on years of work involving the First Peoples’ Assembly and the Yoorrook Justice Commission.

Her government also abandoned an earlier commitment to raise the age of criminal responsibility to 14 and subsequently moved towards tougher bail and youth justice policies as community anxiety about crime grew.

The reversal reflected the political pressure Ms Allan faced to move away from some of Labor’s earlier progressive commitments and demonstrate a stronger focus on public safety.

Among the policies most closely linked to her personal experience was the Inquiry into Women’s Pain.

Ms Allan has spoken openly about living with endometriosis and experiencing serious complications during childbirth. She said those experiences shaped her view that women’s pain had been dismissed for too long by parts of the medical system.

The inquiry received evidence from about 13,000 women and girls and documented chronic pain, delayed diagnoses, medical bias and the financial barriers preventing patients from accessing care.

Its recommendations included a statewide Women’s Pain Standard, dedicated support for girls and adolescents experiencing pelvic pain, expanded women’s health clinics and better pain relief during procedures including IUD insertions.

In her resignation speech, Ms Allan said she had almost lost her daughter during childbirth and described the women’s health reforms as evidence of what governments could achieve when women were heard.

She urged women not to look at the events surrounding her removal and conclude that politics was not for them.

“Look at the support I’ve experienced over my career, and think, ‘I can make a difference here too,’” she said.

Her government also introduced free public transport for children under 18 from January 2026, a measure expected to benefit more than one million young Victorians and save families as much as $755 per child each year.

During the fuel crisis associated with conflict in the Middle East, the government temporarily made public transport free for all passengers before moving to half-price fares for the remainder of 2026.

Ms Allan presented the policies as direct assistance for households facing rising transport, energy and grocery costs.

However, her premiership became increasingly dominated by questions about corruption and criminal influence within the construction industry.

A series of investigations beginning in 2024 alleged bikie figures, organised crime associates and corrupt operators had gained influence on taxpayer-funded building projects through parts of the CFMEU.

The union’s construction division was placed into administration, and the government stopped accepting CFMEU donations.

Ms Allan ordered reviews and supported police and regulatory investigations but resisted calls for a royal commission into the Big Build.

That refusal became a major point of conflict inside Labor. Some MPs believed the government’s response was too narrow and that public confidence could not be restored without an inquiry capable of examining both criminal conduct and government decision-making.

Ms Allan apologised for criminality uncovered on building sites but disputed an estimate that the conduct had cost taxpayers as much as $15 billion. She did not provide an alternative figure when repeatedly questioned about the financial damage.

The controversy was particularly damaging because Ms Allan had overseen the infrastructure portfolio for almost nine years.

Critics accused her of failing to detect or confront misconduct earlier. Her supporters argued criminal conduct had been deliberately concealed and that police, workplace regulators and the union administrator were better placed to investigate than another lengthy commission.

The political distinction became increasingly difficult to sustain as polling deteriorated, Victoria’s debt approached record levels and Labor MPs grew fearful about losing seats to the Coalition, One Nation and the Greens.

Ms Allan also faced pressure over crime, taxes, business regulation, the teachers’ pay dispute and proposed laws giving eligible employees a right to work from home two days a week.

By early 2026, leadership speculation had become persistent.

Mr Carroll publicly backed Ms Allan in June and said he would not challenge her. But after further poor polling and growing unrest across both Labor factions, senior MPs informed her that she had lost the support of caucus.

On Monday, Mr Carroll announced he would nominate for leader. Ms Allan initially refused to resign and instructed the party to prepare for a membership ballot.

By Tuesday morning, she had changed course.

She said a leadership campaign taking several weeks would damage Labor’s chances of winning a fourth term and that stepping aside was the right decision for the party and Victorian voters.

Away from Parliament, Ms Allan lives on a rural property outside Bendigo with her husband, Yorick Piper, and their two children, Peggy and Cormac.

She has maintained her connection with regional Victoria throughout her career, commuting between Bendigo and Melbourne for more than a quarter of a century.

Her regional identity remained central to her political brand, as did her argument that government investment should not be confined to metropolitan Melbourne.

Her legacy will be contested.

Supporters will remember a parliamentarian who broke age and gender barriers, delivered major transport projects, represented Bendigo for nearly three decades and used her personal experiences to drive changes in women’s health.

Critics will point to cost overruns, growing debt, the Commonwealth Games cancellation, secrecy surrounding major projects and her refusal to establish a royal commission into alleged corruption on the Big Build.

She entered Parliament as a 25-year-old regional Labor activist carrying symbols of Bendigo and the women who had helped open politics to her generation.

She leaves the premiership without having faced voters as Labor leader, removed not by an election but by a loss of confidence inside her own party.

Yet in her final appearance as premier, Ms Allan insisted that the ending did not erase what came before it.

“It has been the honour of my life to serve you,” she told Victorians.

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The post Jacinta Allan resigns as Victorian premier, ending 27-year rise from Bendigo’s youngest woman MP to the state’s top job first appeared on The Australia Today.

Applications for the coveted number one position on the Liberal Party’s Western Metropolitan Legislative Council ticket closed at 5 pm on 27 July, setting the stage for another closely watched internal contest following the disendorsement of former MP Moira Deeming earlier this month.

The Australia Today understands Ms Campbell has formally nominated for the lead position and is currently regarded by senior Liberal figures as the candidate to watch.

Multiple party sources told The Australia Today that influential Western Metropolitan Liberal figure Dinesh Gourisetty has decided not to contest this time and is backing Ms Campbell’s candidacy.

Mr Gourisetty told The Australia Today, he doesn’t want to create a distraction for the Liberal Party and Leader Jess Wilson from their campaign to remove this incompetent Labor government.

“I want to thank all the party members who contacted me in support of my recontesting in the preselection; however, I would like to focus on serving the community and strengthening the party.”

The Australia Today has independently confirmed from three separate party sources that phone calls were made over recent days canvassing support for Ms Campbell among key decision-makers ahead of Monday’s nomination deadline.

When contacted by The Australia Today, Ms Campbell declined to comment.

She cited Liberal Party rules preventing applicants from publicly discussing their candidacy while the preselection process remains underway.

Campbell, a barrister and Melbourne’s Deputy Lord Mayor, previously contested the 2023 Aston federal by-election and has been widely regarded as one of the Liberal Party’s rising moderate figures. Party insiders have for several days identified her among the leading contenders for the vacancy.

Her selection would also place a woman at the top of the ticket following Mrs Deeming’s removal and could help the party draw a line under the bitter internal divisions surrounding the seat.

Trung Luu seeks promotion to top spot

Also confirming his candidacy is sitting Liberal upper house MP Trung Luu, who is attempting to move from the number two position on the party’s ticket to the all-important first position.

The former Victoria Police forensic officer has represented Western Metropolitan Region since the 2022 state election and is already endorsed for the second position on the Liberal ticket.

He has built his parliamentary profile around crime, community safety, multicultural representation and services in Melbourne’s west.

Several senior members of the parliamentary party have reportedly argued that the sitting MP should be elevated to the first position rather than requiring him to defend the less secure second spot.

Former Liberal leader and shadow police minister Brad Battin was reported to have urged senior party figures to support Mr Luu.

Mr Luu was previously endorsed in the second position during the party’s earlier preselection process.

However, The Australia Today understands that by choosing to contest the lead position, his previous endorsement for the second spot will lapse under party rules, leaving the number two position vacant for a future preselection process.

Mr Luu also declined to comment when approached.

Former adviser enters race

Former Liberal staffer Mark J. Briers has also lodged his nomination, publicly confirming his candidacy on social media shortly before nominations closed.

Announcing his decision, Briers said Victoria needed “a fresh candidate for Melbourne’s west” and argued the Liberal Party should reconnect with aspirational voters.

He pointed to his experience across government, corporate and small business sectors, saying he wanted to help rebuild confidence among families and business owners facing cost-of-living pressures.

Briers said his campaign was motivated by conversations with residents struggling with rising living costs, business closures, crime and housing affordability.

“I’m running to make the Liberal Party the party of aspiration again,” he wrote.

“I won’t waste a minute helping to deliver lower taxes, cost of living relief, business confidence and cracking down on crime to make our streets safe.”

Long-time Liberal also nominates

Long-serving Liberal member Richard Lange has also submitted his nomination, bringing the confirmed field to at least four candidates.

The contest follows months of upheaval within the Victorian Liberal Party over the Western Metropolitan ticket.

Earlier this year, businessman Dinesh Gourisetty defeated Moira Deeming in a delegate ballot before his endorsement was overturned after controversy surrounding a character reference he had written in an unrelated criminal matter. The party subsequently reopened the process, and following further internal disputes Deeming was eventually disendorsed by the Liberal state executive, triggering the current vacancy.

Unlike a traditional grassroots preselection voted on by local party members, the successful candidate is expected to be determined by the Victorian Liberal Party State Executive, giving senior party officials the final say over one of the Coalition’s strongest upper house positions.

With the Liberal Party seeking to reset ahead of November’s state election under Opposition Leader Jess Wilson, the outcome of the Western Metropolitan preselection is expected to be one of the most closely watched internal decisions of the campaign.

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In a unanimous decision delivered on Monday, the Full Court of the Federal Court upheld a 2024 judgment that Hanson’s 2022 post telling Senator Faruqi to “pack your bags and piss off back to Pakistan” contravened section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975.

The case arose after Senator Faruqi criticised the legacy of the British monarchy following the death of Queen Elizabeth II in September 2022. Hanson responded on social media, arguing that Faruqi had benefited from Australia after migrating here and suggesting she return to Pakistan if she was unhappy.

Justice Angus Stewart originally ruled in November 2024 that the post was unlawful because it was reasonably likely to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate Senator Faruqi and others who shared her racial or ethnic background. Hanson appealed that decision, arguing among other things that her comments were protected political communication and that the court had misapplied section 18C.

The Full Court rejected those arguments.

In their judgment, Justices Melissa Perry, Geoffrey Kennett and Elizabeth Bennett found the primary judge had correctly concluded the tweet was published because of Senator Faruqi’s race, colour and national or ethnic origin. The court also held that Australia’s racial discrimination laws remain constitutionally valid and do not impermissibly burden political communication.

The judges acknowledged that political debate often involves robust language but said that does not exempt public commentary from Australia’s anti-discrimination laws.

Outside court, Senator Faruqi described the ruling as a victory against racism.

She said the decision was important not only for her personally but for Australians who had been told to “go back to where you came from”, adding that “hate speech is not free speech”.

Hanson, who was not in court for the judgment, said she was disappointed with the outcome.

In a statement, she said she and her legal team would closely examine the decision before deciding whether to seek special leave to appeal to the High Court.

She also reiterated concerns that Australians’ ability to express personal opinions is becoming increasingly constrained by laws that, in her view, limit free speech where others may take offence.

The ruling marks another significant legal setback for Hanson in a case that has attracted national attention because it sits at the intersection of political expression, racial discrimination law and the implied constitutional freedom of political communication.

While the Federal Court found that Hanson’s comments crossed the legal threshold established by section 18C, the decision does not prevent robust political debate more broadly. Rather, the court reaffirmed that Australia’s anti-discrimination laws place limits on public speech that targets people because of their race, colour or national or ethnic origin.

Unless the High Court agrees to hear a further appeal, Monday’s judgment leaves the earlier findings against Hanson in place and reinforces the scope of Australia’s racial discrimination protections in political discourse.

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The post Pauline Hanson loses Federal Court appeal in Greens Senator Mehreen Faruqi’s racial discrimination case first appeared on The Australia Today.

The move has plunged the Victorian government into an open leadership war just four months before the November state election, ending weeks of speculation about whether discontent inside Labor would develop into a formal attempt to remove the Premier.

Mr Carroll confirmed on Monday that colleagues had approached him and asked him to nominate after concluding Ms Allan no longer commanded majority support in the parliamentary caucus.

“It is clear that the Premier has lost the majority of our Caucus,” Mr Carroll said in a statement.

He said he had subsequently met Ms Allan and informed her that he would nominate for the leadership, arguing the consequences of the November election were too serious to ignore.

A cross-factional delegation met Ms Allan before Monday’s scheduled cabinet meeting and urged her to stand aside. The group reportedly included ministers Ingrid Stitt, Gabrielle Williams, Anthony Carbines and Lizzie Blandthorn, along with backbencher Mathew Hilakari.

The involvement of MPs from Ms Allan’s own Socialist Left faction is central to the challenge. Labor’s Right did not have enough votes to remove the Premier without support from sections of the Left, which has controlled the parliamentary numbers since the party’s internal realignment after the 2022 election.

Ms Allan rejected the delegation’s request and reportedly asked the ministers involved to resign from cabinet because they no longer supported her leadership. They refused to do so, setting up an extraordinary situation in which senior ministers remain in a government led by a Premier they are actively attempting to replace.

Rather than allowing Mr Carroll to take the leadership uncontested, Ms Allan wrote to Victorian Labor state secretary Steve Staikos and formally declared her intention to stand in any leadership election.

She also asked the party organisation to prepare for a ballot should one be triggered, making clear that she intends to force her opponents to remove her through the party’s formal processes rather than leave voluntarily.

The decision represents a sharp escalation in the crisis.

Labor figures pushing for change had hoped Ms Allan would accept that she had lost caucus support and stand aside, allowing Mr Carroll to take over quickly and begin rebuilding the government’s campaign.

Instead, a contested election could involve both Labor MPs and rank-and-file party members. Under the party’s leadership arrangements, the parliamentary caucus and ordinary members would each carry 50 per cent of the final result, potentially producing a weeks-long campaign at a time when Labor is already preparing for a difficult state election.

The rules have not previously been tested in a Victorian Labor leadership contest. A prolonged ballot would leave Ms Allan and Mr Carroll publicly campaigning against each other while ministers, MPs, unions and party branches were forced to choose sides.

Political commentators argued Ms Allan’s decision showed she would not make the transition easy for her challengers, despite expectations that her longstanding loyalty to Labor would eventually lead her to stand aside to avoid further damage.

Her decision to fight means the dispute is no longer simply about who has the most support in Tuesday’s caucus meeting. It could become a wider battle over the future direction of the Victorian Labor Party and responsibility for its decline in public support.

Mr Carroll’s declaration is also a dramatic reversal.

Just six weeks ago, he stood beside Ms Allan and publicly ruled out challenging her, saying he was proud to support her leadership. At that stage, internal discussions about replacing the Premier failed to develop into a contest because no alternative candidate was prepared to nominate.

Mr Carroll now says circumstances have changed and the Premier has lost the confidence of most Labor MPs.

His supporters believe the Niddrie MP and Education Minister could give Labor a chance to reset its position on integrity, public finances, business confidence and the continuing dispute with Victorian teachers.

It is understood that a Carroll-led government would consider establishing a royal commission into alleged corruption and organised crime connected to the construction industry, seek to settle the teachers’ dispute and attempt to rebuild Labor’s standing with Victorian businesses. Mr Carroll has not yet released a full leadership platform.

Allegations surrounding the CFMEU and Victoria’s taxpayer-funded Big Build have been a major source of pressure on Ms Allan, who previously served as transport infrastructure minister while the construction program expanded.

The Premier has acknowledged that criminals operated on some Victorian construction sites and apologised for the activity, but she has repeatedly rejected calls for a royal commission. She argues police investigations, stronger regulatory powers and action by integrity agencies are a faster and more effective response.

Some Labor MPs believe that position has become politically unsustainable and that the government has failed to convince voters it fully understands the scale of the problem.

The leadership crisis has been sharpened by polling published on Monday showing the Coalition ahead of Labor by 52 to 48 per cent on a two-party-preferred basis.

The Newspoll, conducted by Pyxis Polling & Insights for The Australian, placed the Coalition on a primary vote of 31 per cent, Labor on 28 per cent and One Nation on 19 per cent.

Opposition Leader Jess Wilson led Ms Allan by 51 to 32 per cent as preferred premier, while 71 per cent of respondents said they were dissatisfied with Ms Allan’s performance.

The figures follow other surveys showing Labor losing support to the Coalition, One Nation and the Greens, particularly in outer-suburban and regional electorates.

Labor won 56 lower house seats at the 2022 election, but MPs now fear a fall in the party’s primary vote could place seats once considered safe within reach of the opposition or minor parties.

Ms Allan’s supporters dispute claims that the entire Left faction has turned against her. One minister told The Guardian that MPs within the faction had not been uniformly consulted and there was no consolidated position supporting her removal.

Attorney-General Sonya Kilkenny has continued to back Ms Allan, dismissing the leadership discussion as “idle gossip” that distracts the government from the concerns of Victorians.

The Premier’s allies will now attempt to challenge Mr Carroll’s assertion that she has lost a majority of caucus.

Those seeking to remove her face the risk of overstating their numbers before a formal vote. A failed spill would leave Mr Carroll politically damaged and could temporarily strengthen Ms Allan, although the public split would be difficult to repair.

A successful spill motion would start the process of electing a new leader. With Ms Allan and Mr Carroll both declaring their intention to contest, neither side can now assume the matter will be resolved through a quick caucus transition.

Parliament resumes on Tuesday, July 28, providing the first opportunity for Labor MPs to meet in person and test whether the factional agreements reached over the weekend translate into firm votes.

The challenge is one of the most serious internal confrontations faced by Victorian Labor since it returned to government in 2014.

Ms Allan became Premier in September 2023 following Daniel Andrews’ resignation. She had previously served as his deputy and held several senior portfolios during Labor’s years in office.

Mr Carroll became Deputy Premier during the same transition and has served in portfolios including education, public transport, industry and justice.

His decision to challenge means Labor can no longer maintain that leadership concerns are limited to anonymous internal complaints. The Deputy Premier has publicly declared that the Premier has lost caucus support, while Ms Allan has responded by preparing to fight him through the party’s membership.

The Victorian election is scheduled for Saturday, November 28. The party that wins majority support in the Legislative Assembly will form government.

Labor must now decide whether to proceed under a Premier who insists she can still lead the party to a fourth consecutive term or replace her with a deputy who argues that change is necessary to prevent defeat.

Either path carries enormous risk.

Removing Ms Allan could reinforce the Coalition’s argument that Labor is divided and consumed by its own survival. Keeping her could leave the party campaigning under a leader whom her deputy and a cross-factional group of ministers have publicly declared no longer commands majority support.

The speculation has become a contest. The only remaining questions are when the ballot will be triggered, how long it will take and whether Labor can emerge from it united enough to fight an election less than four months away.

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The reported push follows months of poor polling, internal criticism over the government’s response to alleged corruption on Big Build construction projects and growing fears among Labor MPs that the party is heading towards a heavy defeat at the November state election.

It has been reported that members of Ms Allan’s own Socialist Left faction had joined figures from the Labor Right in sounding out colleagues and assessing whether there was enough support to approach the Premier and ask her to stand aside.

No formal leadership challenge has been announced, no challenger has publicly declared an intention to run, and there is no independently confirmed caucus count showing the Premier has lost the support of her party room.

However, the latest reports mark an escalation from earlier leadership speculation because they suggest conversations are now occurring across factional lines rather than being limited to a small group of dissatisfied MPs.

One Labor figure quoted anonymously described Tuesday as the final realistic opportunity to act before the campaign entered its closing months, while another said the mood inside the government was “as grim as it’s ever been”.

The Australia Today has not independently verified the private conversations or anonymous accounts.

The Victorian Parliament is scheduled to return at noon on Tuesday, July 28, for the first of three consecutive sitting days. The return will bring Labor MPs back together in Melbourne and provide an opportunity for those seeking a leadership change to determine whether their concerns have translated into firm votes.

Ms Allan’s supporters maintain that she has no intention of resigning and remains focused on leading Labor to the November 28 election.

The Premier has previously rejected leadership speculation and declared she was “all in” and “absolutely determined to see this through”. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese also publicly backed her in June, describing her as the best person to lead Victoria.

The renewed unrest has been fuelled by a JWS Research poll commissioned by Australian Energy Producers, which reportedly surveyed 1,000 voters across 28 marginal and politically important Victorian seats between June 26 and July 3.

The poll placed the Coalition ahead of Labor by 56 to 44 per cent on a two-party-preferred basis. It recorded primary support of 29 per cent for the Coalition, 24 per cent for One Nation, 23 per cent for Labor and 14 per cent for the Greens.

The result would represent a severe reversal from the 2022 state election, when Labor won 55 per cent of the two-party-preferred vote and secured 56 lower house seats. Labor’s official first-preference vote at that election was 37.03 per cent, compared with 34.37 per cent for the Liberal and National parties combined.

The latest survey should nevertheless be interpreted cautiously.

It was conducted across selected marginal and politically important electorates rather than being presented as a conventional statewide random sample. Its two-party estimate also depends on assumptions about preferences at a time when One Nation is attracting a substantial share of the primary vote.

Australian Energy Producers has an active interest in Victorian government policy and has campaigned against Labor’s restrictions on new household gas connections and broader electrification program. The organisation separately released findings from the same 1,000-person JWS survey showing opposition to parts of the government’s gas policy.

That does not invalidate the political findings, but the commissioning body, sample design, question wording and preference assumptions are important when assessing what the figures may mean for the statewide contest.

Other polling has also shown Labor losing support to the Coalition, One Nation and minor parties, indicating the government’s political problems are not confined to one survey.

A separate poll commissioned by the Victorian Trades Hall Council reportedly placed One Nation on 27 per cent of the primary vote, with Labor and the Coalition both on 26 per cent. Its modelling suggested One Nation could win several lower house seats, particularly in outer-suburban and regional communities where voters are dissatisfied with the major parties.

The leadership pressure intensified after last week’s Labor caucus retreat in Ballarat, which had been intended to reset the government’s political strategy before the election campaign.

Police Minister and Leader of the House Anthony Carbines reportedly delivered a heated intervention during the retreat, arguing the party had not done enough to address public concerns about alleged corruption and organised crime connected to the construction industry.

Accounts differed over whether Mr Carbines’ criticism was principally aimed at the Premier’s office or Labor’s campaign headquarters, but there was broad agreement that his intervention exposed deep frustration within the government.

Mr Carbines later appeared beside Ms Allan and refused to discuss what was said in caucus.

“You’re referring to the caucus conference, and I don’t comment on caucus meetings,” he told reporters.

He insisted his public position remained aligned with the government and said he was working with Victoria Police Chief Commissioner Mike Bush to strengthen the response to organised crime.

The dispute comes as the government faces continuing pressure over allegations involving the CFMEU, criminal networks and taxpayer-funded construction projects.

Ms Allan has acknowledged that criminals infiltrated parts of the Big Build but has rejected opposition demands for a royal commission, arguing that police investigations, stronger regulatory action and expanded powers for integrity agencies offer a faster response.

Several Labor MPs and ministers have privately supported a broader inquiry, while others fear the issue has become inseparable from Ms Allan’s previous responsibility for Victoria’s major infrastructure program.

The Premier has disputed an estimate that corruption and misconduct added as much as $15 billion to the cost of public projects, describing that figure as untested. However, she has not provided an alternative estimate of the financial damage.

The controversy has created a difficult political equation for Labor.

Removing a Premier four months before an election would risk reinforcing perceptions of chaos and panic. Retaining a leader whose public standing has deteriorated could place dozens of Labor MPs in danger of losing their seats.

Deputy Premier Ben Carroll continues to be discussed as the only senior figure considered capable of mounting an immediate challenge with support from multiple parts of the party.

Mr Carroll publicly ruled out challenging Ms Allan before the June caucus meeting and said he had been a loyal deputy throughout her leadership. That intervention prevented an expected showdown at the time and allowed the Premier to survive until the winter parliamentary break.

Any attempt to replace Ms Allan would therefore depend on whether Mr Carroll was prepared to reconsider that position or whether senior MPs could persuade the Premier to resign voluntarily and create a vacant leadership.

Other figures, including senior minister Gabrielle Williams, have previously been discussed as possible successors, but she has publicly backed Ms Allan and described her as an experienced leader.

Those advocating change also face the danger of launching a challenge without secured numbers.

A failed spill would strengthen Ms Allan temporarily, expose the rebels and deepen the divisions already consuming the government. It could also leave Labor campaigning under a leader who had survived an attempted coup but whose authority had been further damaged.

Conversely, a successful transition would give a new Premier only about four months to establish an identity, reshape the government’s policy agenda and distance Labor from controversies accumulated during almost 12 years in office.

The opposition is certain to portray any leadership change as evidence of a government consumed by internal conflict.

Liberal leader Jess Wilson has placed government debt, taxation, crime and alleged corruption at the centre of her campaign, while promising a royal commission into the Big Build and CFMEU-linked misconduct.

One Nation’s rise presents a separate threat to Labor in outer Melbourne and regional Victoria, where cost-of-living pressures, dissatisfaction with government services and falling trust in major institutions are reshaping traditional voting patterns.

Victoria’s next state election will be held on Saturday, November 28. Labor enters the contest with a large parliamentary majority inherited from its 2022 victory, but recent polling suggests many previously safe seats could become competitive if its primary vote remains in the mid-20s.

Tuesday will not automatically produce a leadership spill.

There may be no delegation, no challenge and no caucus ballot. Mr Carroll may maintain his public refusal to run, and dissatisfied MPs may ultimately decide that changing leaders would create more damage than it resolves.

But the continuing leaks, factional discussions and public interventions from senior ministers show that Ms Allan’s leadership remains under sustained pressure.

Labor MPs now face a decision that can no longer be delayed indefinitely: remain behind the Premier and accept the electoral consequences, or attempt a highly risky leadership change with fewer than 130 days remaining before Victorians vote.

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The comments, made during a Brisbane radio interview, have drawn criticism from domestic violence experts, survivor advocates, politicians and legal experts, who argue they oversimplify one of Australia’s most complex social issues.

Hanson acknowledged domestic violence was “wrong” but said “it’s also a two-way street”, arguing that everyone was under pressure because of rising living costs and suggesting that women who did not feel safe should leave abusive relationships.

Her remarks have been criticised as victim-blaming because they place responsibility on victims to leave rather than squarely on perpetrators to stop abusing.

Domestic violence is overwhelmingly gendered

While men can also experience family violence, Australian data consistently shows women are disproportionately affected by serious intimate partner violence.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, around one in four women has experienced violence by an intimate partner since the age of 15, compared with about one in 14 men. Women are also significantly more likely to be seriously injured or killed by current or former partners.

Domestic violence organisations say leaving an abusive relationship is often the most dangerous period for victim-survivors.

Financial dependence, coercive control, fear of retaliation, concern for children, lack of housing and emotional manipulation are among the many reasons victims cannot “just leave”.

Advocates say suggesting otherwise ignores decades of research into how abusive relationships operate.

Fresh criticism over earlier comments

The backlash intensified after previously unreported comments from a 2025 podcast resurfaced this week.

In that interview, Hanson reportedly described paid family and domestic violence leave as “ridiculous”, suggested it was being exploited, argued police spent too much time dealing with family violence instead of “real crime”, and claimed Australia’s legal system had become biased against men.

Sex Discrimination Commissioner Anna Cody described the comments as harmful, while the ACTU and domestic violence advocates warned they risk undermining public confidence in support systems designed to protect victim-survivors.

A familiar political pattern

The controversy comes only days after Hanson again found herself defending comments linked to the former White Australia Policy.

During a Perth business event, Hanson denied advocating a return to the White Australia Policy after previously discussing its abolition during an interview with British far-right activist Tommy Robinson.

She insisted she was merely explaining the historical timeline rather than endorsing the policy.

However, critics argue the remarks continue a pattern that has defined Hanson’s political career for nearly three decades—using immigration, multiculturalism and national identity to mobilise political support.

Her speeches in Britain earlier this month, where she criticised immigration and declared she was “sick of hearing about white privilege”, also drew significant criticism both in Australia and overseas.

Critics warn rhetoric has consequences

Advocates argue the latest controversy cannot be viewed in isolation.

For many Australians—particularly women, migrant communities, Muslim Australians and people from culturally diverse backgrounds—Hanson’s domestic violence comments and repeated rhetoric on immigration reinforce concerns about political discourse that critics say diminishes lived experiences while amplifying social division.

Experts warn that misinformation surrounding domestic violence can discourage victims from seeking help, reinforce shame and make perpetrators appear less accountable.

They also caution against framing financial pressures or cost-of-living challenges as explanations for violent behaviour.

While economic stress may place pressure on households, responsibility for domestic violence rests solely with the perpetrator, not external circumstances.

Hanson stands by her comments

Hanson has rejected accusations that she was victim-blaming, arguing her remarks have been taken out of context.

She maintains domestic violence affects both men and women and says she was encouraging victims to leave unsafe relationships rather than excusing perpetrators.

But for many advocates, that explanation misses the central issue.

Domestic violence is not simply about arguments or relationship conflict. It is about power, coercive control and repeated abuse—circumstances that cannot be solved by telling victims to walk away.

As Australia continues grappling with high rates of violence against women, campaigners say public debate must be grounded in evidence rather than political rhetoric.

They argue elected representatives carry a responsibility to ensure their words encourage victims to seek support—not make them question whether they will be believed.

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Rehmat Pasha, 37, helped move injured people to safety and assisted emergency workers for almost three hours after two gunmen opened fire on a Jewish Hanukkah gathering at Sydney’s Bondi Beach on December 14, 2025.

The permanent residency decision was publicly revealed by Mr Pasha during a recent visit to Hyderabad. He said Immigration and Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke had personally informed him that he would receive permanent residency.

Applications involving his wife and three children, who remain in India, are also reportedly being processed. The Australia Today could not locate a public statement from the Department of Home Affairs or Mr Burke’s office confirming the individual visa decision at the time of publication.

Mr Pasha moved to Australia in 2021 after studying hospitality and was supporting his family by undertaking various jobs, including driving passengers in Sydney.

He said he had just dropped off a passenger near Bondi Beach when he heard a series of loud noises. Initially believing they were fireworks, he stepped out of his vehicle and saw two gunmen firing from a pedestrian bridge about 100 metres away.

As hundreds of people attempted to escape, Mr Pasha said he made a split-second decision to remain at the scene and help those who had been shot.

He first attempted to stop the bleeding of a man suffering a serious neck wound. When the man could not be saved, Mr Pasha continued moving between victims, pulling injured people behind trees, benches and other structures to protect them from further gunfire.

Mr Pasha estimates he assisted between 18 and 20 people during the attack and its immediate aftermath, including civilians, police officers and a wounded rabbi.

The December attack targeted hundreds of Jewish Australians gathered for the Chanukah by the Sea celebration. Fifteen victims were killed and 41 people, including four children and two police officers, were taken to hospital.

One gunman, a 50-year-old man, was shot dead by police. His 24-year-old son survived and was subsequently charged by the NSW Joint Counter Terrorism Team over the attack. Australian authorities described the shooting as an antisemitic terrorist attack.

Mr Pasha’s efforts came amid numerous acts of courage by police officers, paramedics, health workers and members of the public who placed themselves in danger to protect others.

Waverley Council later recognised Ahmed al-Ahmed, Gefen Bitton and Leibel Lazaroff for their actions during the attack. Mr al-Ahmed confronted and disarmed one of the alleged gunmen, while Mr Bitton and Rabbi Lazaroff also placed themselves at risk while attempting to stop the violence and assist victims.

Mr Pasha’s actions were brought to the attention of the Department of Home Affairs by immigration lawyer Abdul Syed Javeed, founder of the Indian Youth Committee of Australia.

The Times of India reported that Mr Pasha received financial assistance, medical treatment and counselling following the attack. He has also reportedly been nominated for a government bravery award, while the ride-share company he worked with has recognised his actions.

The cap he was wearing while assisting victims is also expected to be preserved for display at a Sydney museum, according to the report.

Despite the recognition and reported permanent residency grant, Mr Pasha said the psychological consequences of what he witnessed remain severe.

He was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder and was temporarily assessed as unable to return to work. He continues to experience disrupted sleep, nightmares and memories of wounded people and frightened children.

“People say my life has changed for the better. But images from that day still haunt me,” he said.

Mr Pasha remains in contact with several survivors and their families, some of whom invite him to community gatherings and prayer meetings.

His story has received attention in both Australia and India, presenting a powerful account of an ordinary migrant worker who chose to help strangers during one of the darkest moments in Australia’s recent history.

It also provides a reminder that the impact of terrorism extends beyond those who are physically injured. Bystanders, first responders and volunteers who witness mass-casualty attacks can continue carrying serious psychological injuries long after the immediate emergency has ended.

The Australian and NSW governments established support arrangements for people physically or psychologically affected by the attack, including victims, bereaved families and others directly exposed to the violence.

For Mr Pasha, permanent residency may provide security and the prospect of reuniting his family in Australia. But his account also shows that formal recognition cannot erase the trauma of the lives lost, the victims he tried to save and the scenes he continues to remember.

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A notice sent to Liberal Party members confirms the state executive has reopened applications for endorsement following the disendorsement of sitting MP Moira Deeming.

Nominations will close at 5 pm on Monday, July 27, with applicants required to submit a Legislative Council application for a Liberal-held seat and an Applicant Review Committee form.

The Australia Today understands Mr Gourisetty currently has the strongest level of support among members of the state executive and is regarded by party insiders as the early frontrunner.

However, Ms Campbell is expected to mount a serious challenge, with growing support for the barrister and Deputy Lord Mayor among influential Liberals who believe the party should select a high-profile woman capable of presenting a fresh public face after months of damaging internal disputes.

The contest is not expected to be decided through a conventional preselection involving local Liberal members. The party’s state executive is expected to select the replacement, giving its members direct control over one of the safest positions available to a Victorian Liberal candidate.

Mr Gourisetty previously defeated Mrs Deeming for the number one Western Metropolitan position in March, securing 37 votes to her 29. Sitting upper house MP Trung Luu received three votes before winning endorsement for the second position.

His victory was overturned the following day after it emerged he had provided a character reference.

Mr Gourisetty subsequently withdrew as candidate, prompting a hurried reopening of nominations. Mr Gourisetty later apologised for providing the reference and acknowledged that doing so had been a mistake.

Despite that controversy, Mr Gourisetty retains support among parts of the Liberal state executive and members connected with Melbourne’s Indian and multicultural communities.

His supporters argue that he won the original preselection through a democratic ballot and remains one of the party’s best-connected figures in the western suburbs.

Any renewed candidacy would attract scrutiny over whether the circumstances that led to his earlier removal have been addressed and whether he has cleared the party’s candidate-review process.

Ms Campbell is emerging as the strongest threat to Mr Gourisetty.

A barrister and former federal Liberal candidate, she has served as Melbourne’s Deputy Lord Mayor since the 2024 council election. She previously contested the federal seat of Aston at the 2023 by-election.

Party sources have described Ms Campbell as a strong candidate with public recognition, legal experience and the ability to communicate across mainstream media and business audiences.

Her selection would also place a woman at the top of the ticket following Mrs Deeming’s removal and could help the party draw a line under the bitter internal divisions surrounding the seat.

Earlier reporting identified Ms Campbell and Mr Luu as the initial frontrunners, with some Liberal MPs supporting the elevation of Mr Luu and others within the state executive favouring Ms Campbell.

However, the possible return of Mr Gourisetty has changed the internal calculation and could turn the decision into a direct contest between his established executive support and Ms Campbell’s growing momentum.

Mr Luu is also expected to be considered.

The former Victoria Police forensic officer has represented Western Metropolitan Region since the 2022 state election and is already endorsed for the second position on the Liberal ticket.

He has built his parliamentary profile around crime, community safety, multicultural representation and services in Melbourne’s west.

Several senior members of the parliamentary party have reportedly argued that the sitting MP should be elevated to the first position rather than requiring him to defend the less secure second spot.

Former Liberal leader and shadow police minister Brad Battin was reported to have urged senior party figures to support Mr Luu.

Other names being discussed include western suburbs community advocate Jenny Matic, former Maribyrnong federal candidate Tim Beddoe and former Werribee candidate Steve Murphy.

Mr Beddoe contested Maribyrnong at the 2025 federal election, securing 30.46 per cent of first preferences and 37.35 per cent after preferences against Labor’s Jo Briskey.

Mr Murphy came within 693 votes of winning the traditionally Labor-held seat of Werribee at the February 2025 by-election.

He received 28.98 per cent of first preferences and finished with 49.18 per cent after the distribution of preferences, delivering a two-party swing of more than 10 percentage points towards the Liberals.

Both men attempted to enter an earlier reopened Western Metropolitan contest before withdrawing, while other applications were ruled invalid amid criticism of the party’s rushed processes.

Ms Matic brings longstanding Liberal Party, multicultural and western suburbs experience and is regarded as a candidate capable of appealing to migrant communities across the region.

The vacancy was created when the Liberal state executive cancelled Mrs Deeming’s endorsement earlier this month following a prolonged dispute over allegations she made against former opposition leader Matthew Guy.

Mrs Deeming remains a member of the Victorian Legislative Council but will not appear as the Liberal Party’s lead Western Metropolitan candidate at the November election.

The number one position is considered highly valuable because the Liberals secured two Western Metropolitan seats at the 2022 election, with Mrs Deeming and Mr Luu both elected.

The region covers 11 lower house districts across Melbourne’s west, including Footscray, Kororoit, Laverton, Niddrie, Point Cook, St Albans, Sunbury, Sydenham, Tarneit, Werribee and Williamstown.

The reopening gives prospective candidates only a limited period to complete the application and review requirements before Monday’s 5 pm deadline.

Until applications close, it remains unclear whether every person being discussed will formally nominate.

But Liberal sources increasingly view the contest as a battle between Mr Gourisetty’s support within the state executive and Ms Campbell’s attempt to build a winning coalition around experience, profile and electoral appeal.

The eventual decision will show whether the party prioritises its original preselection winner, a high-profile city representative, its sitting Western Metropolitan MP or a candidate with a recent electoral record in Melbourne’s west.

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But the movement must now confront uncomfortable questions of its own.

After weeks of demonstrations, the campaign has expanded beyond examination reform into an increasingly political confrontation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Its credibility has also been damaged by violence, unauthorised marches, attacks on security personnel and repeated allegations that journalists were threatened, heckled and physically assaulted while covering its protests.

This matters because a movement demanding accountability cannot exempt its own supporters from accountability.

The CJP emerged in May as a satirical online platform founded by political communications strategist and former Aam Aadmi Party volunteer Abhijeet Dipke. It later developed into an organised protest campaign demanding action over examination irregularities, the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan and wider reforms to India’s education and recruitment systems.

The underlying grievance is real. Allegations surrounding leaked examination papers have affected millions of students, while protesters say that cancellations, uncertainty, and prolonged investigations have damaged careers and intensified anxiety among young applicants. The movement’s supporters have also linked the dispute to unemployment and broader dissatisfaction with public institutions.

However, what began as a student-centred agitation has increasingly been absorbed into a wider anti-government campaign.

Protesters have demanded not only Pradhan’s dismissal but, in some demonstrations, Modi’s resignation. Opposition parties have disrupted Parliament, staged demonstrations near the Prime Minister’s residence and publicly aligned themselves with the movement. Reports described the protests as providing India’s opposition with a rare political opening against Modi, particularly because of the electoral importance of younger voters.

Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi have sought to place personal responsibility on the Prime Minister. Rahul Gandhi demanded an apology and Pradhan’s removal, while Priyanka Gandhi accused Modi of claiming credit for national achievements but avoiding responsibility for the treatment of students.

There is nothing illegitimate about opposition parties questioning the government or supporting students. Nor should criticism of Modi automatically be labelled anti-national.

The concern is that a specific campaign about examination integrity is being converted into a general political mobilisation in which every slogan, confrontation and grievance is channelled towards removing the democratically elected Modi government by force. Once that happens, students risk becoming supporting actors in an opposition campaign rather than the central beneficiaries of a reform movement.

The CJP has described itself as independent and resistant to conventional political control. Yet its founder’s previous association with the AAP, its growing support from Congress and other opposition leaders, and the rapid expansion of its demands make scrutiny unavoidable. Political independence must be demonstrated through conduct, not merely declared in social media statements.

The violence surrounding the protest is even more concerning.

On July 20, thousands of protesters attempted to move towards Parliament during the “Chalo Sansad” mobilisation. Delhi Police said permission had neither been sought nor granted for the march. Police used tear gas and batons as demonstrators pushed towards restricted areas, while subsequent reports described stone-throwing, confrontations and attacks on personnel.

Images and videos circulated from the disorder have presented competing accounts. Protest groups accused the police of excessive force and said students were beaten. Police and government-aligned outlets said members of the crowd threw stones, breached barriers and attacked officers. NDTV reported that about 90 students were injured, with most later discharged, while CJP representatives sought to minimise injuries sustained by police by arguing that most were minor.

That response was troubling. Whether a police officer’s injuries were described as minor or serious is not the central issue. A movement that claims to practise peaceful democratic resistance must categorically condemn assaults on officers rather than debate the percentage who required extensive treatment.

Others reported that footage showed an RAF officer being chased, deliberately tripped and attacked after falling. Such reports and circulating videos require proper investigation, and individual responsibility must be established through evidence, but no political cause justifies a group assault on a person lying on the ground.

The same standard must apply to police conduct. Any unlawful use of force against peaceful protesters should be investigated. Students do not lose their rights because some people in a crowd behave violently. But protesters do not acquire immunity from the law merely because their original grievance is legitimate.

The reported treatment of journalists further weakens the movement’s moral position.

Times of India reported that journalists said they had been assaulted while covering the march. Its been documented a series of alleged incidents involving reporters from Times Now, ABP News and other organisations, including claims of slapping, kicking, punching, pushing, bottle-throwing and surrounding media crews while shouting “Godi Media”.

Times Now reporter Dev Kotak said he and his cameraman were surrounded while leaving part of the protest site and were subjected to verbal and physical attacks. Earlier incidents reportedly involved journalists being manhandled or intimidated after questioning protesters about slogans and the purpose of the gathering.

These allegations should not be dismissed merely because some of the affected journalists work for outlets disliked by the protesters.

Press freedom does not belong only to sympathetic journalists. A reporter does not become a legitimate target because a crowd considers the reporter’s employer pro-government. Protesters are entitled to refuse an interview, challenge a question or criticise coverage. They are not entitled to grab cameras, push crews, threaten reporters or physically punish journalists for asking inconvenient questions.

A movement presenting itself as a defence of democracy cannot reproduce the same intolerance it accuses the government of displaying.

The campaign has also attracted claims that it is being used to promote hostility towards Hindu identity. Those claims require careful handling.

Verified mainstream reporting strongly supports the conclusion that the demonstrations have become intensely anti-Modi and anti-BJP. It does not establish that every CJP participant, or the movement as a whole, is anti-Hindu.

However, controversies around religious rhetoric cannot be ignored. OpIndia reported that some participants raised “Azadi” slogans, while social media footage has circulated alleging offensive remarks involving Lord Ram. Another dispute erupted after online commentators attacked a Hanuman temple for reportedly not sheltering protesters during clashes, while praising a mosque and a gurdwara said to have assisted people.

The authenticity, context and representativeness of individual viral clips must be verified before broad conclusions are drawn. A slogan by one participant cannot automatically be attributed to thousands of protesters.

Yet political activists also cannot pretend that religiously abusive language is harmless merely because it is directed at India’s majority faith. Criticism of the BJP or Modi is political speech.

Insulting Hindu deities, mocking Hindu worshippers or collectively portraying Hindus as morally inferior is religious hostility.

Opposition parties supporting the movement have a responsibility to draw that distinction clearly. They should condemn anti-Hindu remarks with the same seriousness they would demand if protesters targeted Islam, Christianity, Sikhism or another faith.

Prime Minister Modi has now responded personally to the crisis.

In his first direct message on the examination leaks, Modi said nothing was more important than the welfare and future of young people. He announced that the government would establish fast-track courts to ensure swift and stringent punishment for those responsible for leaking papers, and said officials had been instructed to take all necessary steps.

“Those who try to harm the future of our youth will not be spared,” the Prime Minister said in his July 23 statement.

Modi later released a video message saying paper leaks were not an ordinary matter and that further stringent measures would be taken up at a Cabinet meeting on Friday. Reports said the video was his second intervention on the issue that day, indicating an attempt to address students directly rather than leaving the response solely to ministers and officials.

The announcement of special courts is a serious response, but it cannot be the final one. Fast prosecution matters only if investigations are credible, cases are filed promptly, and convictions follow where guilt is proven. Examination agencies also require stronger security, independent oversight and transparent procedures for compensating students affected by cancellations or wrongdoing.

The government reportedly reached out to protest representatives several times, but discussions became stalled over the proposed venue. CJP leaders insisted on a neutral location or talks at Jantar Mantar, while continuing to demand Pradhan’s resignation.

By immediately rejecting Modi’s announcement and insisting that the protest would continue until the minister resigned, the CJP reinforced the perception that its campaign is now tied to a predetermined political outcome rather than an open process of reform.

The movement now faces a choice.

It can return to a disciplined campaign focused on secure examinations, speedy prosecutions, institutional accountability and relief for affected students. That would require isolating violent participants, protecting journalists, cooperating with lawful investigations and refusing to become an instrument of any political party.

Or it can continue expanding into an all-purpose anti-Modi mobilisation, tolerate intimidation around its protests and allow ideological groups to inject religious hostility into what began as a student issue.

The government must answer for examination failures. Police must answer for any excessive force. But the CJP and its political supporters must also answer for the violence, threats and intolerance taking place under the banner of youth justice.

Young Indians deserve reform, not political theatre. They deserve examinations they can trust, not another movement in which their genuine hardship is used to settle old ideological battles against Modi, the BJP or Hindu public life.

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Australian Bureau of Statistics figures for June show Victoria’s seasonally adjusted unemployment rate rose by 0.2 percentage points from 4.9 per cent. The national rate remained at 4.4 per cent, while New South Wales recorded the lowest state rate at 4 per cent. Western Australia was at 4.2 per cent, Queensland and South Australia at 4.3 per cent and Tasmania at 4.9 per cent.

Victoria also recorded the highest underemployment rate among the states at 7.3 per cent. Underemployment measures people who have work but want and are available for additional hours. The national rate rose to 6.5 per cent.

The figures place Victoria 0.7 percentage points above the national unemployment rate and intensify scrutiny of the state’s economic direction ahead of the November election.

However, the monthly data does not show that Victoria lost jobs in June. The number of employed Victorians increased by 0.4 per cent to about 3.81 million, while the employment-to-population ratio rose to 64.2 per cent. The participation rate also increased by 0.3 percentage points to 67.6 per cent, indicating more people were entering or actively looking for work.

An unemployment rate can rise even while employment grows when the number of people seeking work increases faster than the number finding jobs.

Nationally, employment rose by 76,300 people in June, including 29,300 additional full-time workers and 47,000 additional part-time workers. The national participation rate reached 67 per cent, while the employment-to-population ratio rose to 64 per cent.

The ABS has also urged caution when interpreting short-term changes. It adjusted the weighting of one incoming survey group in Victoria and New South Wales after finding its labour-force characteristics differed considerably from the rest of the sample. The agency said it remained confident in the estimates but recommended using trend data to assess underlying conditions. Victoria’s trend unemployment rate was 5 per cent, slightly below the seasonally adjusted figure.

Despite those qualifications, business groups say Victoria’s comparatively weak result reflects growing concern about the cost and complexity of operating in the state.

Business Council of Australia chief executive Bran Black said the government’s “anti-business policies are anti-worker policies”, arguing that high taxes, regulation and rising public debt were affecting investment and living standards.

Australian Industry Group Victorian head Tim Piper said employers believed the state was more exposed to wider economic shocks because of government regulation and declining business confidence. He pointed to the proposed work-from-home right, new workplace surveillance protections and continuing concerns surrounding major construction projects.

The criticism has centred heavily on the Equal Opportunity Amendment (Work from Home) Bill, introduced by Premier Jacinta Allan on June 16.

The Bill would give eligible employees whose duties can reasonably be performed remotely a legal right to work from home for two days each week. Regular casual and part-time employees would also be covered, with entitlements expected to operate on a proportionate basis.

Employers would be able to refuse arrangements where working from home was not reasonable, but disputes could proceed through conciliation at the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission and ultimately be heard by the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal.

The government intends the changes to begin on September 1, although businesses with fewer than 15 workers would receive a delayed commencement until July 2027.

The legislation has not yet passed Parliament. As of July 23, it remained at the second-reading stage in the Legislative Assembly. That means the proposed right was not operating during the June labour-force survey and cannot, by itself, explain the latest increase in unemployment.

Business groups argue, however, that policy announcements can influence future hiring and investment decisions before legislation formally begins.

A Victorian Chamber of Commerce and Industry survey found 77 per cent of participating businesses already permitted employees to work from home, but 80 per cent expected the proposed law to negatively affect their operations.

The Chamber said 47 per cent were more likely to start, expand or invest outside Victoria, 42 per cent were more likely to employ people interstate and 44 per cent were less likely to hire additional Victorian staff.

It also reported that 47 per cent would become less willing to employ younger or inexperienced workers who required closer supervision, training and mentoring. About 92 per cent anticipated additional expenses involving legal advice, equipment, insurance, cyber security and compliance.

The Chamber has called for changes including clearer grounds for refusing a request, stronger protections for small businesses, defined responsibility for home-office costs and safeguards against employees adding the statutory entitlement to more generous existing arrangements.

Chief executive Sally Curtain said businesses were not opposed to flexibility but feared the Bill would introduce uncertainty and legal disputes into arrangements already being negotiated successfully between employers and employees. The published survey release did not specify its sample size or methodology, meaning its percentages should be read as a measure of sentiment among respondents rather than the views of every Victorian employer.

The government rejects the argument that protecting hybrid work is anti-business.

It says working from home saves eligible workers an average of $5,308 a year and more than three hours in weekly commuting time. It also argues that flexible arrangements help businesses retain employees, reduce absenteeism and increase participation among parents and people with caring responsibilities.

Labor has separately announced plans to strengthen workplace surveillance protections, requiring employers to notify and consult workers before introducing monitoring technology and limiting the use of biometric data and artificial intelligence.

The proposed framework would require surveillance to have a legitimate purpose, place restrictions on covert monitoring and ensure significant employment decisions based on automated systems receive human review. No legislation had been introduced when the policy was announced on July 20.

Business groups say the combination of employment regulation, property taxes, payroll taxes and compliance costs risks making Victoria less competitive than other jurisdictions.

Their concerns are compounded by the state’s financial position. The 2026–27 Budget forecasts net debt reaching $175.6 billion this financial year and $199.3 billion by 2029–30. The government expects net debt to peak as a share of the economy before declining gradually over the forward estimates.

The Budget had forecast Victoria’s unemployment rate would average 4.75 per cent in both 2025–26 and 2026–27, with employment growth slowing from 1.5 per cent to 1.25 per cent. June’s monthly rate of 5.1 per cent is above that forecast, although a single monthly result is not directly comparable with a full-year average.

Opposition Leader Jess Wilson described the result as a “wooden spoon trifecta”, arguing Victoria was carrying the nation’s highest unemployment alongside high debt and taxes.

She said the figures showed the need for a change of government and policies intended to reduce regulation, restrain public spending and make Victoria more attractive to private investment.

The Allan government said regional Victoria remained comparatively strong and argued Labor’s record should be measured over a longer period rather than through one monthly figure.

Its Budget documents show Victorian employment increased by 21 per cent between September 2020 and March 2026, compared with 17 per cent across the rest of Australia. More than 646,000 additional Victorians found work over that period, according to the government’s figures.

The government has also warned that the Coalition’s proposal to save $22 billion over a decade through a back-office public-service hiring freeze could remove economic activity and undermine services. The opposition says the policy would rely on natural attrition and would not affect frontline workers.

The June figures therefore present two competing pictures of Victoria’s labour market.

The state continues to add jobs and has a high workforce participation rate, but a growing number of people are unable to find sufficient work. Its unemployment and underemployment rates are now above those of comparable states, giving business groups and the opposition evidence for their argument that Victoria’s economic policy settings require change.

The data does not prove that the proposed work-from-home or surveillance laws caused unemployment to rise. Neither policy was operating during the survey period.

But the result will strengthen demands for the Allan government to demonstrate that its workplace reforms can protect employees without discouraging the businesses responsible for creating their jobs.

I can monitor Victoria’s monthly employment figures and alert you when the next ABS data is released. Want me to set that up?

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Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio met in Manila on July 22 on the sidelines of ASEAN-related ministerial meetings.

The four ministers declared their “unwavering support for ASEAN unity and centrality” and said they remained deeply invested in Southeast Asia’s success.

“As ASEAN Comprehensive Strategic Partners,” the ministers said, the four countries would strengthen cooperation with ASEAN and its member states rather than seek to replace the regional organisation’s leadership role.

The meeting lasted about an hour and came less than two months after the Quad foreign ministers gathered in New Delhi on May 26, indicating an effort to maintain momentum behind the grouping’s practical programs and regional diplomacy.

Mr Motegi said holding another meeting so soon after New Delhi sent a strong message that the Quad supported ASEAN unity, centrality and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.

The ministers agreed to continue developing practical cooperation across four areas: maritime and transnational security, economic prosperity and security, critical and emerging technologies, and humanitarian assistance and emergency response.

The Manila statement said stability in regional waters was fundamental to the Indo-Pacific’s future.

“We are united in our conviction that peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific maritime domain underpin the security and prosperity of the region,” the ministers said.

The wording reflects the Quad’s concern about increasingly contested waterways while avoiding the direct naming of China in the joint document.

The statement did not specifically mention China, Taiwan, North Korea, Myanmar or the war involving Iran. Instead, it focused on cooperation with ASEAN and support for practical implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, known as the AOIP.

However, Japan’s official account of the meeting said the ministers held candid discussions about developments in the East China Sea, South China Sea and Middle East.

Mr Motegi expressed strong opposition to attempts to change the status quo through force or coercion and raised concerns about export restrictions, including those involving critical minerals.

He also emphasised the need for North Korea’s complete denuclearisation, action against malicious cyber activity and resolution of the longstanding issue involving Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea.

The meeting took place against the backdrop of renewed tensions between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea.

Philippine and Chinese officials exchanged protests in Manila following a confrontation near Second Thomas Shoal. The Philippines accused Chinese personnel of unacceptable actions against its forces, while Beijing alleged that Philippine vessels had deliberately provoked and rammed a Chinese patrol vessel.

The Philippines, which hosted the Quad meeting, is a US treaty ally and has become a central point of regional concern as confrontations involving coast guard, naval and civilian vessels grow more frequent.

China claims most of the South China Sea, overlapping with maritime claims made by the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan. Beijing has rejected the 2016 international tribunal ruling that found no legal basis for its sweeping historic-rights claim within the so-called nine-dash line.

The Quad’s decision not to name China appears intended to keep the Manila declaration focused on ASEAN cooperation rather than turn it into an overtly confrontational statement.

That distinction is important because Southeast Asian governments generally seek economic and diplomatic cooperation with both China and the Quad countries. ASEAN members have frequently resisted pressure to choose between major powers and instead emphasised inclusiveness, dialogue and their own role in shaping regional architecture.

The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific was adopted in 2019 and identifies maritime cooperation, connectivity, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and economic cooperation as priority areas.

Its principles include inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN’s central role in regional decision-making.

In practical terms, ASEAN centrality means regional institutions such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum and ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus remain major venues for dialogue involving Southeast Asian states and outside powers.

For the Quad, repeatedly recognising that role is also intended to counter criticism that Australia, India, Japan and the US are creating an exclusive bloc that could divide the Indo-Pacific.

The grouping is not a treaty alliance and does not have a permanent secretariat or collective defence obligation. Its ministers and officials instead coordinate projects intended to deliver regional benefits, including maritime awareness, disaster response, infrastructure, technology, energy security and resilient supply chains.

Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade says Quad officials regularly work across the four priority areas identified in the Manila statement, while foreign ministers have met at least annually since 2019.

The previous meeting in New Delhi produced broader outcomes, including a framework for a Quad Critical Minerals Initiative and a statement on Indo-Pacific energy security.

The ministers also discussed the East and South China Seas, North Korea, regional economic coercion, energy supply risks and practical measures designed to help Indo-Pacific countries withstand external pressure.

Mr Jaishankar said the Manila meeting reviewed the changing Indo-Pacific environment and followed up on the outcomes reached in New Delhi.

India’s participation remains central to the Quad’s geographical and political reach. Unlike Australia, Japan and the United States, India is not a US treaty ally and maintains its own policy of strategic autonomy, including continuing relationships with Russia and countries across the Global South.

New Delhi nevertheless shares concerns about maritime security, terrorism, supply-chain vulnerabilities and attempts to alter territorial arrangements through force.

Australia’s role reflects its longstanding support for ASEAN-led regional institutions, alongside its closer strategic cooperation with the US, India and Japan.

During a separate meeting in Manila with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Senator Wong said Australia supported ASEAN-led architecture and would continue engaging Beijing while raising concerns about military conduct, transparency, regional stability, human rights and consular matters.

Mr Rubio also met Mr Wang during the Manila gathering, with the two discussing US-China relations, trade, Taiwan and preparations for a possible visit to Washington by Chinese President Xi Jinping.

The talks took place despite sharp differences over Chinese activity in the South China Sea, suggesting the Quad’s strategic coordination is continuing alongside direct diplomatic engagement with Beijing.

China has separately declared its own support for ASEAN centrality.

At the China-ASEAN foreign ministers’ meeting in Manila, Mr Wang promoted closer economic, digital, energy and security cooperation and called for progress towards a South China Sea code of conduct.

Chinese officials described ASEAN as a priority in Beijing’s neighbourhood diplomacy and argued that China-ASEAN cooperation should contribute to regional stability and development.

The competing declarations reveal how ASEAN has become a major diplomatic arena for regional powers.

The Quad is seeking to demonstrate that its security and technology cooperation can support Southeast Asian priorities. China is promoting its economic ties and proximity to the region while warning against external interference and bloc confrontation.

ASEAN, meanwhile, is attempting to retain control of the region’s diplomatic agenda despite divisions among member states and pressure generated by disputes involving China, Myanmar, the Middle East and major-power competition.

The Manila meetings have also been overshadowed by the conflict involving Iran and disruption to energy routes through the Middle East.

Southeast Asian economies are heavily exposed to energy supply shocks, while ministers have raised concerns about freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and the broader consequences for trade, fuel prices and economic stability.

That environment adds urgency to the Quad’s focus on economic security, critical minerals, resilient supply chains and humanitarian response.

Its members increasingly argue that Indo-Pacific security cannot be separated from access to energy, technology, telecommunications, shipping routes and strategically important materials.

The four ministers said they expected the next Quad leaders’ summit and another foreign ministers’ meeting to take place, although no date or venue was announced.

They agreed to maintain close coordination and continue moving from broad political declarations towards programs that can demonstrate direct benefits for the region.

The Manila statement was brief, but its message was deliberate: the Quad wants to be regarded as a partner of ASEAN, not an alternative to it.

Whether that approach succeeds will depend on the grouping’s ability to deliver practical support without forcing Southeast Asian countries into a binary choice between China and the US-led regional network.

For Australia and India, the challenge will be to combine stronger maritime and economic-security cooperation with continued diplomatic engagement across a region that values strategic balance.

The Quad has reaffirmed its principles. Its next test will be whether cooperation on maritime safety, technology, disaster response and economic resilience produces results that ASEAN countries can see and use.

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The move brings an end to weeks of disruption for thousands of Indian nationals, Australian travellers and members of the Indian-Australian community after services were suspended following a legal dispute over the outsourcing contract.

In a statement issued on Wednesday, the High Commission of India in Canberra confirmed that VFS Global will once again serve as the authorised provider for Consular, Passport and Visa (CPV) services across Australia.

The new ICAC network will operate from upgraded facilities in:

• Adelaide: Suite 8.01, Level 8, 111 Gawler Place, Adelaide SA 5000
• Brisbane: Suite 0201, Level 2, 127 Creek Street, Brisbane City QLD 4000
• Canberra: Level 6, 40 Marcus Clarke Street, Canberra ACT 2601
• Melbourne: Ground Floor, 324 St Kilda Road, Melbourne VIC 3004
• Perth: Ground Floor, 23 Barrack Street, Perth WA 6000
• Sydney: Level 9, 22–24 Market Street, Sydney NSW 2000

According to the High Commission, the centres have been established with upgraded facilities and infrastructure to cater to current demand while improving service delivery for applicants across Australia.

All centres will operate Monday to Friday from 8:30am to 4:00pm, excluding Australian public holidays and holidays observed by the High Commission of India or the respective Consulates General.

Applicants have been encouraged to book appointments online before visiting the centres.

The announcement provides long-awaited clarity for applicants whose travel plans, passport renewals and visa applications were thrown into uncertainty after VFS operations were halted earlier this month.

The suspension followed a Delhi High Court ruling concerning the Ministry of External Affairs’ tender process for outsourcing consular services, prompting the temporary cessation of services in Australia while legal proceedings continued.

Wednesday’s announcement confirms that VFS Global has resumed operations under the new arrangement and will once again provide passport, visa and other consular services on behalf of the Government of India.

The High Commission also reminded applicants that VFS Global is the only authorised service delivery provider for Indian passport, visa and consular services in Australia.

People seeking appointments or further information can access the online booking system through VFS Global’s Australia portal.

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Mr Carbines was questioned on Wednesday about comments he reportedly made at Victorian Labor’s annual caucus retreat in Ballarat, where he was said to have warned that the government was failing to rebuild public trust amid continuing allegations of organised crime, corruption and intimidation linked to the construction industry and taxpayer-funded Big Build projects.

“You’re referring to the caucus conference, and I don’t comment on caucus meetings,” Mr Carbines said.

The Police Minister did not deny raising concerns during the private meeting but sought to present a united front with Ms Allan, declaring that he supported the government’s current response.

“The Premier has made it clear the government’s position on those matters, and I continue to work closely with the Chief Commissioner of Victoria Police to disrupt and dismantle organised crime wherever it may be across the state,” he said.

“My position is the government’s position.”

His comments followed reports that he had confronted Labor officials over the party’s handling of the corruption controversy and its preparations for the November state election.

Mr Carbines reportedly argued that Labor needed to respond more forcefully to the perception that corruption had been allowed to operate across major construction projects. He was also reported to have clashed with assistant state secretary Jett Fogarty during discussions about campaigning, fundraising and the party’s ability to win back public confidence.

Some Labor figures reportedly rejected the criticism and questioned why party officials were being targeted when only the Premier could change the government’s position on calls for a royal commission into the construction industry.

The closed-door intervention has exposed the political difficulty confronting senior ministers: they are publicly defending the government’s enforcement-based approach while privately facing mounting anxiety about whether that response is convincing voters.

Mr Carbines said he was holding regular discussions with Victoria Police Chief Commissioner Mike Bush about the work and powers of Taskforce Hawk.

“We have a track record of delivering changes that the police need to make sure they can be agile and nimble in being able to disrupt and dismantle organised crime,” he said.

“I have no announcements to make today, but clearly we are always working with Victoria Police on what more we can do to support them in their work to hold organised crime to account.”

Taskforce Hawk investigates alleged criminal activity connected to Victoria’s construction industry, including organised crime figures, outlaw motorcycle gangs, financial offences and the use of intimidation.

The operation began in 2024 and was elevated to a taskforce in 2025 following further allegations of violent and serious criminal conduct. Detectives recently executed warrants in an investigation into alleged false accounting and financial offending by a company said to be operating as a debt collector under the guise of industrial relations work.

Chief Commissioner Bush has previously said investigators face difficulties securing evidence from people who have allegedly experienced violence or intimidation within the construction sector.

He said police were working to reassure potential witnesses but warned that building cases against senior organised crime figures would be a long process.

The Allan government has repeatedly rejected calls for a royal commission, arguing that police investigations, stronger regulatory powers and action against labour-hire operators can deliver results more quickly.

In Parliament last month, Ms Allan said Taskforce Hawk had laid more than 88 charges and that the Labour Hire Authority had cancelled more than 150 construction industry licences. She acknowledged there was a culture within parts of the industry that needed to be cleaned up.

The government also points to a formal review of the relationship between Victorian government agencies, construction companies and unions. The government accepted all the review’s recommendations either in full or in principle, while directing criminal matters to Victoria Police and public-sector corruption allegations to the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission.

However, the controversy has continued to grow following allegations that organised crime figures, bikie associates and corrupt operators gained influence on major public construction projects through intimidation, fraud and union-linked networks.

Ms Allan has acknowledged that criminals operated on some Victorian construction sites and described violence, intimidation and organised criminal behaviour as unacceptable. She has nevertheless maintained that another inquiry would delay immediate enforcement action.

The distinction between actual criminal prosecutions and the wider perception of corruption appears to have been central to Mr Carbines’ reported concerns.

Police may continue investigating individual offences, but Labor MPs must confront a broader political question: whether voters believe the government has fully accounted for what occurred across projects overseen by Labor during more than a decade in office.

Ms Allan previously held responsibility for major infrastructure and transport portfolios during much of the Big Build’s expansion, making the controversy particularly damaging for her leadership.

The Premier has said she intends to remain Labor leader and “see it through” to the election, despite reports of internal dissatisfaction. Earlier polling indicated substantial public concern about her leadership, including among Labor supporters, although no formal leadership challenge had emerged.

Labor MP Vicki Ward sought to downplay suggestions of open conflict following the Ballarat retreat.

“As you’d expect with any group, there’s a lot of different views in the room, and we talk, we share our views, and we walk out united,” she said.

Ms Ward denied the meeting had been “testy” and said no Labor MPs had raised a royal commission during the discussions.

She also expressed disappointment that confidential caucus discussions had been leaked.

“We’ve always been a very disciplined party,” she said.

“That’s part of our culture.”

The leaking of Mr Carbines’ comments, however, has itself become evidence of deteriorating discipline inside the government.

The Police Minister is one of Labor’s most senior parliamentary figures, serving not only as a cabinet minister but also as Leader of the House. A public refusal to discuss private criticism is standard caucus practice, but his decision not to deny the substance of the reports will add to speculation about unease within cabinet and the broader Labor caucus.

Opposition business manager James Newbury seized on the dispute, claiming ministers were abandoning the Premier and announcing that the opposition intended to move a no-confidence motion when Parliament returned.

“Another Labor cabinet minister has turned their back on the Premier,” Mr Newbury said.

“They know that the Premier has got it wrong in not cleaning up corruption in this state.”

The motion is unlikely to remove the government unless Labor MPs cross the floor, but it will force government members to publicly support Ms Allan and her handling of the controversy.

It will also give the opposition an opportunity to place reported private criticism from Labor MPs alongside their public votes in Parliament.

The government remains focused on demonstrating that Taskforce Hawk, Victoria Police, IBAC and the Labour Hire Authority have sufficient powers to investigate criminality and misconduct.

But the dispute involving Mr Carbines shows that enforcement statistics alone may not have resolved concerns within Labor about the political damage.

His public position remains aligned with the Premier. His reported private warning was that the government must do more to win back trust.

With Victorians due to vote on November 28, Labor now has little more than four months to reconcile those two positions and convince voters that it has both confronted wrongdoing in the construction industry and taken responsibility for how it was allowed to develop.

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A notice submitted to Wyndham City Council’s chief executive confirms a special council meeting will be held at 5 pm on Thursday, July 23, at the Wyndham Civic Centre in Werribee to elect a replacement Mayor for the rest of the term till November 2026.

The meeting was requested following the vacancy created by Cr Singh’s resignation.

The document was signed by councillors Josh Gilligan, Mia Shaw, Shannon McGuire and Maria King.

The councillors thanked Cr Singh for his decision and acknowledged the toll the controversy had taken on his family.

The notice said,

“This acknowledgement extends to his wife and daughters who have endured a very difficult period as conscripts to the drawbacks of a family member in the public spotlight.”

The councillors also recognised that Cr Singh would continue representing Bemin Ward and said they had confidence he would remain “dedicated and committed” to his constituents and to building a liveable city.

The statement presents a markedly different tone from the political confrontation that followed revelations in March that Cr Singh had written a character reference in April 2024 for a man later convicted of child sexual offences.

The reference was written before Cr Singh was elected to Wyndham City Council. He subsequently condemned child sexual abuse, acknowledged that providing the letter had raised legitimate questions about his judgment and apologised for the distress caused, particularly to the victim and people affected by sexual violence.

However, the apology did not end the campaign against him.

On April 1, Wyndham’s other 10 councillors jointly called for his resignation, saying the community needed confidence in its mayor and that the controversy had destabilised the council. They later asked the Victorian Government to begin a process that could remove him from the council entirely.

A unanimous motion of no confidence was passed on April 27, although the vote had no legal power to remove Cr Singh from the mayoralty.

Cr Singh initially stepped aside from mayoral duties before returning later that month. He maintained that he had committed no criminal or unlawful act and said criticism had moved beyond legitimate scrutiny into a sustained political and personal campaign.

He also spoke publicly about the harm caused to his wife and children, saying his family had been subjected to threats, abuse and intense public pressure over a letter he wrote as a private citizen before entering local government.

In a video announcing his resignation, Cr Singh said he had decided to step down on his own terms so the council could move beyond the controversy and concentrate on delivering for residents. He made clear that he was resigning from the mayoralty, not withdrawing from public service.

The decision allows Wyndham to elect a new mayor while preserving Cr Singh’s mandate as the elected representative of Bemin Ward.

The latest council notice is important because it recognises that accountability and public disagreement do not justify the indefinite targeting of an elected representative’s family.

Cr Singh has accepted that writing the reference was an error of judgment. He apologised and repeatedly stated that he did not excuse or minimise the offences committed. Yet the political response continued for months, including repeated protests, parliamentary criticism and demands that he be removed not only as mayor but also from the council.

Supporters of Cr Singh have argued that the campaign became disproportionate and increasingly detached from the circumstances in which the reference was written.

He was not accused of committing an offence, interfering with the prosecution or using his position as mayor to assist the convicted man. The letter predated his election to council, and the court remained responsible for assessing what weight, if any, it should receive.

None of that removes the right of residents or councillors to question his judgment. However, it does raise questions about whether one decision should permanently erase an individual’s record of community work or justify sustained attacks against relatives who played no role in the matter.

Cr Singh was elected to Wyndham City Council in November 2024 and served as deputy mayor before being elected mayor in March 2026. At the time, he said his priorities included securing greater investment in roads, rail, health, recreation and community infrastructure for one of Australia’s fastest-growing municipalities.

The four councillors who signed the special-meeting notice said his resignation reflected a collective determination to return the council’s focus to delivering for residents “without fear or favour”.

Their statement does not erase the disagreements of recent months, nor was it signed by every Wyndham councillor. But it does provide an official acknowledgement that Cr Singh and his family endured a difficult period and that he remains capable of contributing to the city as an elected councillor.

For Cr Singh, the resignation closes a brief and bruising mayoral term. But the formal recognition from fellow councillors makes clear that it does not end his public service—or the confidence some colleagues continue to place in his commitment to Wyndham.

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Cr Singh announced his resignation in a video statement, saying he had made the decision voluntarily and believed the prolonged controversy was preventing Wyndham City Council from concentrating on residents and essential local issues.

Cr Singh said,

“This is my decision, made on my own terms.”

While acknowledging that the original character reference was an error of judgment, Cr Singh said legitimate scrutiny had developed into what he described as a sustained campaign of intimidation, threats and harassment directed not only at him but also at members of his family.

He said his resignation should not be interpreted as a withdrawal from community life or an admission that every accusation made against him had been fair.

He said, indicating he intends to remain a councillor and continue representing Wyndham residents,

“I’m not stepping away from public service.”

The resignation ends a bitter mayoral stand-off that began only days after Cr Singh was elected mayor on March 23.

Councillors had chosen him to lead Wyndham until November 2026 after the mayoral position became vacant. He had first been elected to the council in November 2024 and later served as deputy mayor.

The dispute erupted after it became public that Cr Singh had provided a character reference for Kashyap Patel, who was convicted in 2024 of grooming and sexually assaulting.

The reference was written in April 2024, before Cr Singh was elected to Wyndham City Council. It reportedly expressed continued trust in Patel and suggested the conduct was out of character.

Cr Singh subsequently acknowledged that writing the reference had raised serious questions about his judgment. He apologised to the victim, her family and the wider Wyndham community, saying he had not intended to minimise the harm caused by the offences.

However, his apologies did not end the political crisis.

On April 1, the other 10 Wyndham councillors issued a joint statement calling for his resignation as mayor, declaring that he was no longer fit to hold the position.

Cr Singh initially stepped aside from his mayoral duties but did not resign. His fellow councillors then wrote to Victoria’s local government minister asking the state government to begin a process that could lead to his removal.

He returned to his duties on April 23, saying he had accepted responsibility for writing the reference but would not allow a politically motivated campaign to force him from office.

At that time, Cr Singh described the backlash as a “sustained campaign” conducted through social media and said his family had suffered profound harm from threats and abuse.

Community campaigners rejected his argument and maintained that the dispute concerned judgment, accountability and public confidence rather than his cultural background or political associations.

Days later, councillors unanimously passed a non-binding motion of no confidence in Cr Singh and repeated their call for him to resign.

The motion could not legally remove him from the mayoralty, but it left him leading a council in which every other elected representative had publicly withdrawn confidence in him.

The controversy also led to demonstrations outside council meetings, with more than 100 people attending one protest and further rallies organised by residents calling for Cr Singh’s removal.

Federal and state political figures also entered the dispute.

Federal Labor MPs Joanne Ryan and John Lister called on Cr Singh to resign, while Ms Ryan rejected his claim that the campaign against him was politically motivated.

She argued the issue was the seriousness of the offending and the judgment involved in providing the reference, rather than Cr Singh’s political affiliations or cultural identity.

The Victorian government later appointed municipal monitors Jo-Anne Mazzeo and Jim Gifford to Wyndham City Council amid concerns about governance, strained relationships between councillors and declining community confidence.

The wider fallout also contributed to the resignation of councillor Jennie Barrera, who said the situation at the council had made her role untenable. Her departure triggered a council by-election.

In his latest video, Cr Singh again accepted responsibility for the original decision to provide the character reference. However, he drew a distinction between accountability for that decision and the months of hostility that followed.

He said criticism had gone beyond disagreement over his conduct and had become personal, threatening and damaging to those closest to him.

Cr Singh indicated that he had resisted earlier calls to resign because he did not believe elected representatives should be forced from office through intimidation or political pressure.

He also argued that public standards must be applied consistently and that the circumstances surrounding a person’s actions should not be discarded simply because a controversy has become politically charged.

However, he said continuing as mayor was no longer in the best interests of Wyndham because the council needed to return its attention to local services, community priorities and advocacy ahead of the Victorian election.

His resignation is from the mayoralty rather than the council itself.

Under Victoria’s Local Government Act, the office of mayor becomes vacant when a written resignation is delivered to the council’s chief executive. Councillors must elect a replacement mayor within one month, with the new mayor serving the remainder of the existing term.

Cr Singh and his supporters are likely to see it differently: as the culmination of a prolonged campaign that moved beyond accountability and became an attempt to destroy his reputation and force him from public life.

The video also makes clear that Cr Singh does not intend to disappear from local politics.

He thanked residents who had sent messages of support and expressed gratitude to his family for standing beside him throughout the controversy.

“Thank you for everything,” he said.

His resignation brings his brief and deeply contested mayoralty to an end.

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A bench comprising Chief Justice of India Surya Kant and Justices Joymalya Bagchi and V Mohana refused to interfere with the High Court judgment covering the Indian missions in Canberra, Abu Dhabi, Kuwait and Singapore. The court directed the Ministry of External Affairs to conduct a fresh tender process as quickly as possible, preferably within three months.

The Supreme Court, however, modified the High Court’s directions to give the ministry greater flexibility to maintain services during the new tender process.

The MEA and Engineers India Limited may temporarily engage the successful L-1 contractors whose awards were set aside, provided their performance is satisfactory, continue with suitable existing arrangements, or appoint another agency considered capable of providing the services. An L-1 bidder is generally the lowest-priced bidder among those that have qualified through the technical assessment.

The court said any interim appointment would be temporary, would not create special rights in favour of the service provider and would remain subject to the result of the fresh tender process.

The ruling is potentially important for Australians and Indian Australians who have been unable to access routine outsourced Indian passport, visa and consular services since VFS Global announced a temporary suspension from July 1.

The court has now provided a clear legal pathway for the Indian government to appoint an interim operator and restore services without waiting for the entire tender process to be completed.

However, the judgment does not by itself reopen an application centre, restore cancelled appointments or confirm when passport, visa, OCI and other applications will again be accepted in Australia.

That will require an operational decision and public announcement from the Ministry of External Affairs, the High Commission of India in Canberra, India’s consulates or the agency selected to provide interim services.

Applicants should therefore not treat the court ruling as confirmation that normal services have already resumed. In practical terms, the legal obstacle to a temporary arrangement has been removed, but the responsibility now sits with the MEA to implement the order and tell the public where and when applications can be lodged.

During the Supreme Court hearing, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, appearing for the Union Government, argued that the Delhi High Court had wrongly interfered with the tender evaluation.

He said the bids had been assessed according to the individual competence of each bidder and the different operational requirements of the four overseas missions. The government also offered to produce the original tender records that it said had previously been placed before the High Court in a sealed cover.

The Solicitor General argued that the cancellation had affected the functioning of Indian diplomatic missions, with officials being required to divert attention from their normal responsibilities to manage passport and visa services.

He sought permission to return to the Delhi High Court with additional reasons supporting the assessment process and indicated the government may again approach the Supreme Court if it remained dissatisfied.

The Supreme Court was not persuaded.

Chief Justice Surya Kant told the government:

“But you invited the High Court order by not giving grounds.”

Justice Bagchi also questioned whether the government was attempting to introduce an interpretation of the tender conditions after the assessment had already taken place. He observed that tender requirements could not be changed after the procurement process had commenced.

The case followed a July 15 judgment by Delhi High Court Justices Anil Kshetrapal and Shail Jain in seven petitions brought by unsuccessful bidders E Trav Tech Limited and Verasys Limited.

The companies had participated in tenders for outsourcing Consular, Passport and Visa services at the four Indian missions but were eliminated during the technical assessment because they failed to obtain the minimum qualifying score of 70 per cent.

E Trav received 62.2 marks for its Australian proposal, while Verasys received 61.25. Their financial bids were consequently excluded from the final assessment.

The companies challenged the scoring after the MEA disclosed a parameter-by-parameter breakdown of the marks following an earlier Supreme Court direction.

They argued that marks had been deducted without proper explanations, undisclosed comparative standards had been applied, and substantially similar proposals received different scores in different countries.

The Delhi High Court found that merely supplying numerical marks without explaining the reasons for deductions did not demonstrate proper consideration of the proposals or allow bidders to understand why they had been found deficient.

The High Court also rejected the argument that deficiencies may have been explained during oral presentations to the technical committees.

It said any shortcomings identified during presentations should have been recorded in the assessment documents, finding that the absence of contemporaneous reasons made the evaluation opaque and prevented meaningful scrutiny.

The judges found the process breached transparency requirements under India’s General Financial Rules and provisions of the tender requiring unsuccessful bidders to be informed why they had been disqualified.

The court concluded that the marks were affected by “arbitrariness, irrationality and lack of transparency”, making the evaluations unsustainable under Article 14 of the Indian Constitution. It cancelled the technical evaluations and the resulting contract awards.

The financial difference between the bids was also raised as a public-interest issue.

Court documents show E Trav said it had quoted a service fee of AUD 38 for the Australian contract, compared with the successful bid of AUD 114. Its proposed fees were also lower than the successful bids for Abu Dhabi, Kuwait and Singapore.

The High Court did not rule that E Trav was entitled to the contract simply because its price was lower. The company had still been required to pass the technical assessment.

The court instead found that excluding a lower-priced bidder through an arbitrary or unexplained technical evaluation could affect public finances and was therefore not merely a private commercial dispute between competing companies.

The High Court initially ordered the MEA to issue fresh requests for proposals within one month and permitted the existing incumbent providers to continue so the public would not face disruption.

The Supreme Court has maintained the requirement for a fresh and lawful procurement process but expanded the range of temporary arrangements available to the government. It has also given the MEA a broader three-month period to complete the process.

Senior advocates representing private parties told the Supreme Court they did not object to temporary arrangements being made to prevent interruptions to consular services.

The bench consequently placed continuity of public services at the centre of its modified order while ensuring that no interim provider gains an advantage in the new tender.

For applicants in Australia, the ruling is more useful than the earlier legal developments because it expressly empowers the ministry to act immediately.

The MEA does not need to wait three months before restoring services. It may engage an interim provider while the new tender is prepared, advertised, assessed and awarded.

But the court has given the government an option—not implemented the option on its behalf.

Until the High Commission, the consulates or an authorised service provider confirms that applications and appointments have resumed, Indian citizens needing passport renewals and Australians requiring regular visa services may continue to face uncertainty.

The Supreme Court has now settled the central legal dispute by allowing the Delhi High Court judgment to stand. The tender awards remain cancelled, the assessment must be conducted again, and the government cannot rely on unexplained scoring to preserve the earlier outcome.

The immediate test is no longer what the courts will decide. It is how quickly the Ministry of External Affairs uses the flexibility granted by the Supreme Court to restore accessible passport, visa and consular services in Australia.

Note: The Australia Today has reached out to both MEA and the High Commission of India; we will update the story as soon as we get a response.

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The post India’s Supreme Court clears interim passport and visa services for Australia, rejects governments’s appeal over tender first appeared on The Australia Today.

Torres struck in the 106th minute at New York New Jersey Stadium, lifting a left-footed shot beyond goalkeeper Emiliano Martínez and into the roof of the net after pouncing on a bouncing ball inside the penalty area. The victory gave Spain their second men’s World Cup title and their first since 2010.

The decisive moment came after Argentina had been reduced to 10 players during stoppage time at the end of regulation. Midfielder Enzo Fernández received a second yellow card following a reckless challenge that sent Spanish defender Pau Cubarsí tumbling through the air.

Spain continued to press throughout extra time before Torres, introduced from the bench during the second half, finally broke Argentina’s resistance.

“It was a goal scored by 47 million people,” Torres said after delivering the biggest moment of his international career.

The scoreline suggested an even contest, but Spain controlled possession and created nearly all the opportunities. Luis de la Fuente’s side recorded 20 attempts, including 12 on target, while official statistics credited Argentina with only two attempts and none on target. Argentina became the first team to complete the opening 90 minutes of a men’s World Cup final without registering a shot.

Martínez repeatedly kept Argentina in the match, producing a World Cup final-record 12 saves as Spain struggled to turn their control into goals. His performance pushed the contest towards penalties before Torres found the breakthrough with Spain’s 20th attempt.

Argentina’s defensive approach restricted Spain’s space for much of the match, while Lionel Messi and Julián Álvarez struggled to trouble a Spanish defence that had dominated throughout the tournament.

Messi, 39, was playing in his third World Cup final and attempting to lead Argentina to consecutive titles after their triumph in Qatar in 2022. He had indicated that the tournament could be his final World Cup, giving the defeat added weight as he left the field in tears.

Argentina coach Lionel Scaloni said his team accepted the result despite the disappointment.

“We lost the game, and we accept that,” Scaloni said, while praising the efforts of his players and the achievements of Messi’s generation.

Argentina’s defeat ended its attempt to become the first country since Brazil in 1962 to defend the men’s World Cup successfully. Messi’s recent international era included the 2022 World Cup and Copa América titles in 2021 and 2024.

Spain, by contrast, completed the tournament unbeaten and conceded only one goal across eight matches, setting a record for the fewest goals allowed by a men’s World Cup champion. Goalkeeper Unai Simón kept seven clean sheets and received the Golden Glove.

Spain began their campaign with a goalless draw against World Cup debutants Cape Verde before defeating Saudi Arabia 4-0 and Uruguay 1-0 to finish at the top of Group H.

They then defeated Austria 3-0 in the round of 32, edged Portugal 1-0 in the round of 16, beat Belgium 2-1 in the quarter-finals and overcame France 2-0 in the semi-finals before facing Argentina.

Their ability to control matches without relying on one consistent goalscorer became the defining feature of the campaign.

Captain Rodri directed Spain’s possession from midfield and was awarded the Golden Ball as the tournament’s best player. Cubarsí was named the best young player, while France captain Kylian Mbappé won the Golden Boot after scoring 10 goals.

Mikel Oyarzabal scored five goals for Spain during the tournament, while Lamine Yamal provided creativity from the wing. The 19-year-old Barcelona forward was only three years old when Andrés Iniesta scored Spain’s winning goal against the Netherlands in the 2010 final.

Yamal did not dominate the final as many expected, but Spain’s title reflected the depth of a squad able to find match-winners across midfield, defence and the substitutes’ bench.

Torres entered the match without a goal at the tournament and left as Spain’s World Cup final hero.

Spain coach De la Fuente, who also guided the national side to the UEFA European Championship in 2024, became the oldest coach to win a men’s World Cup at the age of 65.

“I feel pride, to be honest,” De la Fuente said.

He described accompanying the players through the campaign as an honour and praised a generation that had remained committed to Spain’s footballing approach.

Spain are now unbeaten across 38 matches, recording 29 victories and nine draws. The run surpassed Italy’s previous 37-match mark to become the longest unbeaten sequence by a European men’s national team.

The result also made Spain the first country to hold the men’s and women’s World Cup titles at the same time, following the Spanish women’s victory in 2023.

The final became increasingly heated after Fernández’s dismissal, with confrontations involving players from both sides at the final whistle. Spain’s players later formed a guard as the defeated Argentine squad walked towards the presentation stage to receive their runner-up medals.

Rodri then lifted the trophy as Spain returned to the top of world football, combining the world title with the European crown won two years earlier.

For Argentina, the defeat brought an emotional end to a campaign built around the possibility of one final triumph for Messi’s generation.

For Spain, it confirmed the arrival of another title-winning team — one built on control, depth and a defence that allowed only a single goal throughout the largest World Cup ever staged.

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