The US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, was in India this week, and the mood has shifted. Washington has held off on the tariffs it threatened, and it has itself signed a deal with Russia to import diesel. The lesson is hard to miss: the US cannot afford to derail its relationship with India, despite the mood swings in the White House. India by most measures, is the only democratic superpower besides the US with the weight to shape this century. As the conflict with Iran stretches into its eighth month, and the war in Ukraine drags on, America’s need for reliable partners is only growing. On the core issues the interests of the two countries are deeply aligned, even if they may not always agree on all things.
Rubio’s remarks at the Freedom 250 reception in Mumbai were particularly revealing: “I truly believe the relationship between the United States and India is defining, in many ways in a positive way, what the 21st century can look like.” He went on to say that when two powers of this scale align on issues that will define the century, they have an opportunity to write its history together. It was a clear endorsement of India’s global power from America’s top diplomat. Rubio also acknowledged that the two countries would not agree on everything but said their alignment on core strategic interests was “extraordinary” including a free and secure Indo-Pacific.
The US-India relationship has gone through a rocky phase over the last year post India’s strategic decapitation of Pakistan in Operation Sindoor but Rubio’s statement and his optimism about the trade negotiations between the two countries suggest that Washington is adjusting its approach to accommodate the realities of its relationship with New Delhi. In an interview with The Indian Express, Rubio said the trade agreement was “very very close” with most of the work completed. He also spoke of expanding cooperation in energy, technology and defence.
India on its part has continued to pursue its national interests, demonstrating that strategic autonomy is not incompatible with a strong partnership with the United States. What makes India’s position especially remarkable is that its growing partnership with Washington has not come at the expense of Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly acknowledged India’s superpower credentials. Earlier this month, at the Valdai Discussion Club in October 2026, Putin praised Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s efforts to find a way out of the Ukraine war. He said Modi repeatedly raised the issue of ending the conflict, even despite their friendly personal and bilateral relations, and had “very good ideas aimed at finding mutually acceptable solutions”. Putin thanked the Indian prime minister for his desire to end the war through peaceful means and as soon as possible. These were significant words from the leader of a country directly involved in the conflict. They underline India’s ability to maintain a close relationship with Russia while advocating an end to a war that has profoundly divided the international community.
India’s engagement with Ukraine adds another dimension. In September 2026, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha described India as a global power while welcoming Modi’s call to move from an endless war towards an end to the war. Ukraine also disclosed that India had put forward a broad proposal for ending the conflict, describing it as comprehensive. New Delhi has not positioned itself as an unquestioning participant in any camp. Instead, it has sought to preserve channels of communication and advocate diplomacy.
The same diplomatic breadth is evident in West Asia, where India has a deepening strategic partnership with Israel, maintains close relations with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates while continuing to engage Iran. The visit to India by Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian in September, followed by the October trilateral meeting in Mumbai involving Rubio, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, illustrated the range of relationships New Delhi can sustain. India’s partnership with the UAE spans trade, investment, energy and security; its relationship with Saudi Arabia has expanded well beyond traditional energy ties; and its engagement with Iran reflects longstanding strategic and economic interests. Meanwhile, cooperation with Israel continues across defence, agriculture and technology. These relationships can be complicated by regional conflicts, but India has consistently sought to avoid allowing one partnership to dictate the fate of all the others.
For instance, New Delhi has maintained its support for Palestinian statehood while strengthening its relationship with Israel. It has also continued to advocate dialogue and a political settlement. In East Asia, India has developed a strong strategic partnership with South Korea while retaining diplomatic relations with North Korea, despite the profound differences between the two Korean states. These relationships are not equivalent in depth or importance, but they demonstrate the reach of Indian diplomacy. From the Gulf to the Korean peninsula, India has built connections across political, ideological and strategic divides.
India’s superpower status, however, rests on much more than diplomatic reach. Its economic scale, growing manufacturing base, technology sector, expanding infrastructure and place in global supply chains give it influence that few countries can ignore. Its energy infrastructure is another strategic asset. During his visit, Rubio referred to India as a “refining superpower”, highlighting the importance of its refining capacity and the potential for greater cooperation involving Venezuelan crude. A country with India’s economic weight has bargaining power, market access and industrial capabilities that make it an indispensable participant in decisions about the global economy. Continued investment in technology, productivity, manufacturing and human development will determine how effectively India converts this scale into lasting prosperity and influence.
Military strength provides the other essential foundation. India has ranked as the fourth most powerful military in the world for some time, and with the success of Operation Sindoor, it cemented its position as a military superpower. Launched in May 2025 after the Pahalgam terror attack, the operation began with strikes on nine terrorist sites, followed by a wider campaign against 11 Pakistani military installations and airbases. The four days of the operation showcased India’s precision-strike capabilities, extraordinary air defence systems, and its ability to conduct coordinated military action while controlling escalation. The speed and accuracy with which India carried out the operation stand in sharp contrast to the war in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, and the US-Iran conflict, which remains unresolved.
India’s hard and soft power, rooted in part in its status as the world’s oldest surviving culturally continuous civilisation and its position as the world’s most populous nation, gives it rare leverage to maintain relationships across geopolitical fault lines. Washington may disagree with New Delhi, just as Moscow may differ with it, but neither can afford to ignore India’s interests.
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