The foreign ministers of Australia, India, Japan and the United States have reaffirmed their commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, placing ASEAN-led cooperation at the centre of the Quad’s response to growing maritime, economic and security pressures across the region.
Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio met in Manila on July 22 on the sidelines of ASEAN-related ministerial meetings.
The four ministers declared their “unwavering support for ASEAN unity and centrality” and said they remained deeply invested in Southeast Asia’s success.
“As ASEAN Comprehensive Strategic Partners,” the ministers said, the four countries would strengthen cooperation with ASEAN and its member states rather than seek to replace the regional organisation’s leadership role.
The meeting lasted about an hour and came less than two months after the Quad foreign ministers gathered in New Delhi on May 26, indicating an effort to maintain momentum behind the grouping’s practical programs and regional diplomacy.
Mr Motegi said holding another meeting so soon after New Delhi sent a strong message that the Quad supported ASEAN unity, centrality and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.
The ministers agreed to continue developing practical cooperation across four areas: maritime and transnational security, economic prosperity and security, critical and emerging technologies, and humanitarian assistance and emergency response.
The Manila statement said stability in regional waters was fundamental to the Indo-Pacific’s future.
“We are united in our conviction that peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific maritime domain underpin the security and prosperity of the region,” the ministers said.
The wording reflects the Quad’s concern about increasingly contested waterways while avoiding the direct naming of China in the joint document.
The statement did not specifically mention China, Taiwan, North Korea, Myanmar or the war involving Iran. Instead, it focused on cooperation with ASEAN and support for practical implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, known as the AOIP.
However, Japan’s official account of the meeting said the ministers held candid discussions about developments in the East China Sea, South China Sea and Middle East.
Mr Motegi expressed strong opposition to attempts to change the status quo through force or coercion and raised concerns about export restrictions, including those involving critical minerals.
He also emphasised the need for North Korea’s complete denuclearisation, action against malicious cyber activity and resolution of the longstanding issue involving Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea.
The meeting took place against the backdrop of renewed tensions between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea.
Philippine and Chinese officials exchanged protests in Manila following a confrontation near Second Thomas Shoal. The Philippines accused Chinese personnel of unacceptable actions against its forces, while Beijing alleged that Philippine vessels had deliberately provoked and rammed a Chinese patrol vessel.
The Philippines, which hosted the Quad meeting, is a US treaty ally and has become a central point of regional concern as confrontations involving coast guard, naval and civilian vessels grow more frequent.
China claims most of the South China Sea, overlapping with maritime claims made by the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan. Beijing has rejected the 2016 international tribunal ruling that found no legal basis for its sweeping historic-rights claim within the so-called nine-dash line.
The Quad’s decision not to name China appears intended to keep the Manila declaration focused on ASEAN cooperation rather than turn it into an overtly confrontational statement.
That distinction is important because Southeast Asian governments generally seek economic and diplomatic cooperation with both China and the Quad countries. ASEAN members have frequently resisted pressure to choose between major powers and instead emphasised inclusiveness, dialogue and their own role in shaping regional architecture.
The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific was adopted in 2019 and identifies maritime cooperation, connectivity, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and economic cooperation as priority areas.
Its principles include inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN’s central role in regional decision-making.
In practical terms, ASEAN centrality means regional institutions such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum and ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus remain major venues for dialogue involving Southeast Asian states and outside powers.
For the Quad, repeatedly recognising that role is also intended to counter criticism that Australia, India, Japan and the US are creating an exclusive bloc that could divide the Indo-Pacific.
The grouping is not a treaty alliance and does not have a permanent secretariat or collective defence obligation. Its ministers and officials instead coordinate projects intended to deliver regional benefits, including maritime awareness, disaster response, infrastructure, technology, energy security and resilient supply chains.
Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade says Quad officials regularly work across the four priority areas identified in the Manila statement, while foreign ministers have met at least annually since 2019.
The previous meeting in New Delhi produced broader outcomes, including a framework for a Quad Critical Minerals Initiative and a statement on Indo-Pacific energy security.
The ministers also discussed the East and South China Seas, North Korea, regional economic coercion, energy supply risks and practical measures designed to help Indo-Pacific countries withstand external pressure.
Mr Jaishankar said the Manila meeting reviewed the changing Indo-Pacific environment and followed up on the outcomes reached in New Delhi.
India’s participation remains central to the Quad’s geographical and political reach. Unlike Australia, Japan and the United States, India is not a US treaty ally and maintains its own policy of strategic autonomy, including continuing relationships with Russia and countries across the Global South.
New Delhi nevertheless shares concerns about maritime security, terrorism, supply-chain vulnerabilities and attempts to alter territorial arrangements through force.
Australia’s role reflects its longstanding support for ASEAN-led regional institutions, alongside its closer strategic cooperation with the US, India and Japan.
During a separate meeting in Manila with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Senator Wong said Australia supported ASEAN-led architecture and would continue engaging Beijing while raising concerns about military conduct, transparency, regional stability, human rights and consular matters.
Mr Rubio also met Mr Wang during the Manila gathering, with the two discussing US-China relations, trade, Taiwan and preparations for a possible visit to Washington by Chinese President Xi Jinping.
The talks took place despite sharp differences over Chinese activity in the South China Sea, suggesting the Quad’s strategic coordination is continuing alongside direct diplomatic engagement with Beijing.
China has separately declared its own support for ASEAN centrality.
At the China-ASEAN foreign ministers’ meeting in Manila, Mr Wang promoted closer economic, digital, energy and security cooperation and called for progress towards a South China Sea code of conduct.
Chinese officials described ASEAN as a priority in Beijing’s neighbourhood diplomacy and argued that China-ASEAN cooperation should contribute to regional stability and development.
The competing declarations reveal how ASEAN has become a major diplomatic arena for regional powers.
The Quad is seeking to demonstrate that its security and technology cooperation can support Southeast Asian priorities. China is promoting its economic ties and proximity to the region while warning against external interference and bloc confrontation.
ASEAN, meanwhile, is attempting to retain control of the region’s diplomatic agenda despite divisions among member states and pressure generated by disputes involving China, Myanmar, the Middle East and major-power competition.
The Manila meetings have also been overshadowed by the conflict involving Iran and disruption to energy routes through the Middle East.
Southeast Asian economies are heavily exposed to energy supply shocks, while ministers have raised concerns about freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and the broader consequences for trade, fuel prices and economic stability.
That environment adds urgency to the Quad’s focus on economic security, critical minerals, resilient supply chains and humanitarian response.
Its members increasingly argue that Indo-Pacific security cannot be separated from access to energy, technology, telecommunications, shipping routes and strategically important materials.
The four ministers said they expected the next Quad leaders’ summit and another foreign ministers’ meeting to take place, although no date or venue was announced.
They agreed to maintain close coordination and continue moving from broad political declarations towards programs that can demonstrate direct benefits for the region.
The Manila statement was brief, but its message was deliberate: the Quad wants to be regarded as a partner of ASEAN, not an alternative to it.
Whether that approach succeeds will depend on the grouping’s ability to deliver practical support without forcing Southeast Asian countries into a binary choice between China and the US-led regional network.
For Australia and India, the challenge will be to combine stronger maritime and economic-security cooperation with continued diplomatic engagement across a region that values strategic balance.
The Quad has reaffirmed its principles. Its next test will be whether cooperation on maritime safety, technology, disaster response and economic resilience produces results that ASEAN countries can see and use.
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